The Conversation – Africa – Page 122

August 9, 2023

Kenya’s political dialogue is a welcome sign of democracy at work – if both sides understand their roles

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By John Mukum Mbaku, Professor, Weber State University

Since Kenya’s presidential election in August 2022, the new government has been in conflict with the opposition.

In democratic systems, such conflict is healthy; it can enhance governance. But it must not interfere with the government’s ability to perform its constitutional functions.

In Kenya, the friction between the government and opposition led to mass protests in March 2023. The opposition organised them around rising taxes and the high cost of living.

If carried out peacefully, political protests can deepen democracy. Kenya’s have often deteriorated into violence, however. Heavy-handed government interventions have then created even more violence. This threatens the sustainability of the country’s democratic institutions.

The opposition recently called off street protests to engage the government in dialogue. I have studied democratisation and political economy in Africa for more than two decades, and in my view, these talks are an opportunity to strengthen Kenya’s democratic systems.

Both the government and the opposition have a duty to work towards creating a Kenya in which all citizens can live peacefully, by the values that are important to them, and elect who they want.

But for this to happen, each party to the talks must understand its constitutional role. It must play its part constructively and within the law. The opposition should be a check on the exercise of government power, but it must not obstruct governance. The opposition should evaluate public policy and offer alternatives, but allow the government to formulate the national agenda.

On the other hand, the government must recognise the important role the opposition plays in a democratic system. An effective opposition provides the government with feedback that advances national objectives. It contributes positively to peaceful coexistence, the protection of human rights and national development.

The importance of the talks

The opposition suspended its call for mass protests in July 2023 to engage in dialogue with the government. The talks will be facilitated by former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo. Opposition leader Raila Odinga wants the talks concluded in just over seven weeks.

Odinga’s team of five has tabled five issues. It wants the government to:

address the cost of living
reconstitute the elections agency
audit the 2022 poll
prevent state interference with political parties
resolve outstanding constitutional issues.

The government also brings a five-member team. Its list includes establishing the offices of the leader of opposition and prime cabinet secretary, as well as implementing gender diversity laws. President William Ruto has said he has no interest in reopening debate on the results of the 2022 election.

These talks are a welcome sign of Kenya’s democracy maturing. But as the ruling party, Kenya Kwanza, has reminded the opposition coalition, Azimio la Umoja, that the opposition’s job is to analyse government policies and offer alternatives. It is not to force its economic and political agenda on the government.

Regardless of what is on the table for discussion, the dialogue should enhance governance and promote national development.

Parties to the talks should:

consider ways to enhance government efficiency, accountability and productivity
concentrate on creating jobs, fighting inflation and helping Kenyans deal with climate change and other development challenges
help Kenya strengthen its democratic institutions, and promote their growth and maturity
provide an institutional environment within which all Kenyans, regardless of their ethnic affiliation, can live together peacefully.

Understanding the roles

In emerging democracies, such as Kenya’s, a key source of conflict is the failure or inability of the government, the opposition and their supporters to understand and appreciate the roles that the constitution gives them.

In a functioning democratic system, the opposition is part of the governance architecture. It makes sure that the government is open, transparent and accountable to both the people and the constitution. However, it must not frustrate or interfere with government.

The government must consult and interact peacefully with all stakeholders, not just its supporters. This is critical in a country like Kenya which has a significant diversity of people, cultures, values, languages and economic and social aspirations.

A misunderstanding of roles could paralyse the government and make it non-functional.

Way forward

The present dialogue’s function must be:

to strengthen the government, not cripple it
to advance the interests of all Kenyans, not just of specific politicians or ethnic groups
to improve the rule of law, not to open up political spaces for the benefit of opposition leaders
to build the country’s democracy, not to tear it down
to unite Kenyans, not to divide them
to ensure the advancement of a peaceful and productive Kenya.

Kenya’s national leaders – both in government and opposition – must build a political system in the country that advances inclusive development.

– Kenya’s political dialogue is a welcome sign of democracy at work – if both sides understand their roles
– https://theconversation.com/kenyas-political-dialogue-is-a-welcome-sign-of-democracy-at-work-if-both-sides-understand-their-roles-211129

August 9, 2023

Internet shutdowns: here’s how governments do it

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Lisa Garbe, Research Fellow, WZB Berlin Social Science Center.

Senegal’s government has shut down internet access in response to protests about the sentencing of opposition leader Ousmane Sonko. This is a tactic governments are increasingly using during times of political contention, such as elections or social upheaval. The shutdowns can be partial or total, temporary or prolonged. They may target specific platforms, regions, or an entire country.

I’m a researcher who investigates the causes and consequences of internet access disruptions and censorship in various African countries. This includes understanding how shutdowns work.

It’s important to understand the complex technicalities behind internet shutdowns, for at least two reasons.

First, understanding how an internet shutdown works shows whether or how it can be circumvented. This makes it possible to support affected communities.

Second, the way a shutdown works shows who is responsible for doing it. Then the responsible actors can be held to account, both legally and ethically.

Different forms of shutdowns require different levels of technical sophistication. More sophisticated forms are harder to detect and attribute.

There are two common strategies governments use to disrupt internet access: routing disruptions and packet filtering.

How to shut down the internet

Routing disruptions

Every device connected to the internet, whether it’s your computer, smartphone, or any other device, has an IP (internet protocol) address assigned to it. This allows it to send and receive data across the network.

An autonomous system is a collection of connected IP networks under the control of a single entity, for instance an internet service provider or big company.

These autonomous systems rely on protocols – called border gateway protocols – to coordinate routing between them. Each system uses the protocol to communicate with other systems and exchange information about which internet routes they can use to reach different destinations (websites, servers, services etc).

So, if an autonomous system, like an internet service provider, suddenly withdraws its border gateway protocol routes from the internet, the block of IP addresses they administer disappears from the routing tables. This means they can no longer be reached by other autonomous systems.

As a consequence, customers using IP addresses from that autonomous system can’t connect to the internet.

Essentially this tactic stops information from being transmitted. Information can’t find its destination, and people using the internet will not be able to connect.

The disruption of border gateway protocols can easily be detected from the outside due to changes in the global routing state. They can also be attributed to the internet service provider administering a certain autonomous system.

For instance, data suggests that the infamous internet shutdown in Egypt in 2011 – an unprecedented blackout of internet traffic in the entire country – was the result of tampering with border gateway protocols. It could be traced back to individual autonomous systems and hence internet service providers.

Border gateway protocol disruptions that entirely disconnect customers from the internet are rare. These disruptions can easily be detected by outside observers and traced back to individual organisations or service providers. In addition, shutting down entire networks is the most indiscriminate form of an internet shutdown and can cause significant collateral damage to a country’s economy.

Packet filtering

To target specific content, governments often use packet filtering – shutting down only parts of the internet.

Governments can use packet filtering techniques to block or disrupt specific content or services. For instance, internet service providers can block access to specific IP addresses associated with websites or services they wish to restrict, such as 15.197.206.217 associated with the social media platform WhatsApp.

Governments also increasingly use deep packet inspection technology as a tool to filter and block specific content. It’s commonly used for surveillance. Deep packet inspection infrastructure enables the inspection of data packets and hence the content of communication. It’s a more tailored approach to blocking content and makes circumvention more difficult.

In Senegal, internet service providers likely used deep packet inspection to block access to WhatsApp, Telegram, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and YouTube.

When internet shutdowns are done through packet filtering, only individuals within the affected network are able to detect the shutdown. Therefore, active probing is required to detect the shutdown. This is a technique that’s used by cybersecurity researchers and civil society actors to study the extent and methods of internet censorship in different regions.

Violation of rights

Though the two most common strategies are routing disruptions and packet filtering, there are many other tools governments can use. For instance, domain name system manipulation, denial of service attacks, or the blunt sabotage of physical infrastructure. A detailed overview of techniques is provided by Access Now, an NGO defending digital civil rights of people around the world.

There is wide agreement that internet shutdowns are a violation of fundamental rights such as freedom of expression. However, governments are developing increasingly sophisticated means to block or restrict access to the internet. It’s therefore important to closely monitor the ways in which internet shutdowns are being implemented. This will help to provide circumvention strategies and hold the implementers to account.

– Internet shutdowns: here’s how governments do it
– https://theconversation.com/internet-shutdowns-heres-how-governments-do-it-211081

August 9, 2023

South African women: violence, health and money issues among 5 biggest obstacles that stand in their way

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Thabo Leshilo, Politics + Society

Every year on 9 August South Africa celebrates Women’s Day, marking an important moment in the country’s history. This was the day in 1956 when women marched to the seat of government, the Union Buildings in Pretoria, to protest against legislation aimed at tightening the apartheid government’s control over the movement of black women in urban areas.

Today, Women’s Day is also used to draw attention to the issues women still face throughout South Africa.

Over the years we’ve published many articles that highlight the plight of South Africa’s women. The five we’ve selected here point to some major issues that remain unresolved. These range from physical abuse – like violence and rape – to health and wealth barriers.

Violence

South Africa has notoriously high levels of violence against women. The country has among the highest rape incidences in the world. In the first quarter of 2022 alone, police figures showed that 10,818 rape cases were reported.

Amanda Gouws, a political scientist and the chair of the South African Research Initiative in Gender Politics, addressed the question of how gender-based violence could be reduced.

She argued that interventions focusing on ontological violence – men’s sense of entitlement to women’s bodies and hypermasculinity – were key. Ontological violence is difficult to address, however, because its origins are diffuse.

Unable to save or invest

The South African government has put in place measures to address gender equality. But policies on financial inclusion – the ability to access credit and manage or mitigate risks – are lacking.

Political economist Tinuade Adekunbi Ojo explained that South African women might have a bank account but still have difficulty accessing other financial products or services.

In her research, she found that women entrepreneurs sometimes had to partner with a man before being heard by financial stakeholders. And government policies were not designed to address the particular situations faced by women running a business.

Keeping healthy

Data from South Africa has shown that over two-thirds of young women are overweight or obese. This predisposes them to diseases such as diabetes and hypertension.

Alessandra Prioreschi, who studies health and physical activity, explained that the drivers of obesity included a lack of exercise, and the consumption of processed and calorie-dense foods and high amounts of sugar.

Her study found that there were many barriers to healthy eating, among them the cost of and access to healthy food options. She argued that policymakers needed to provide women with access to safe spaces to exercise, make healthier foods affordable and control the oversupply of unhealthy options.

Struggles in retirement

Poverty is a reality that many of South Africa’s retirees face, and the number of retirees at risk is growing, making them three times more likely to experience poverty than any other age group.

Financial planning expert Bomikazi Zeka revealed that female retirees were particularly disadvantaged because of the economic inequality they experienced prior to retirement. Women made up the largest group of low-paid employees, faced unequal labour market opportunities and had family care responsibilities.

Labour rights

Of all working women in South Africa, around 12% are domestic workers. Public health researcher Catherine Pereira-Kotze explained that these workers had little by way of safety nets. They often depended on the goodwill of their employer to get protection like maternity pay and leave.

South Africa’s laws and regulations do cater for non-standard workers. They’re supposed to get health protection in the workplace, maternity leave and job security. But the policy framework is fragmented and employers don’t always comply. For instance, some women lose their income for the months they are on maternity leave.

Workplaces and employers need to be encouraged to go beyond minimum national requirements.

– South African women: violence, health and money issues among 5 biggest obstacles that stand in their way
– https://theconversation.com/south-african-women-violence-health-and-money-issues-among-5-biggest-obstacles-that-stand-in-their-way-211140

August 9, 2023

Niger coup: why an Ecowas-led military intervention is unlikely

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Olayinka Ajala, Senior lecturer in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett University

Hopes are fading for a quick resolution of Niger’s coup or the potential use of force by the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) to free Nigerien president Mohammed Bazoum and restore him to power.

Ecowas leaders gave the Nigerien military junta an ultimatum to cede power within seven days of 30 July or face a military intervention.

The deadline of 6 August came and went, and the putschists remained. Ecowas meets again on 10 August to discuss the situation in Niger. However, hopes of a Nigeria-led Ecowas military intervention in Niger now appears dim.

The first indication that it would be difficult to immediately restore democracy in the country surfaced when demonstrations in support of the coup started.

An attack on the French embassy in Niamey was followed by a daily protest in support of the coup. The size of the protest increased daily.

Anti-France sentiments also increased, with more people supporting the junta.

Niger shares a border with seven countries in the region, four of which are members of Ecowas. Of those four, Mali and Burkina Faso have been suspended due to similar coups d’etat.

Both countries have threatened to support Niger if Ecowas tries to use force. The remaining two countries in the bloc bordering Niger are Nigeria and Benin. Outside Ecowas, Chad and Algeria have both ruled out participating in any military action and Libya has its own challenges.

The likelihood of a military intervention further diminished when Nigerian legislators rejected the idea. They argued for the use of “other means” than force. Nigeria is the largest country in the ECOWAS bloc and principal financier of the bloc.

It will be difficult for ECOWAS to carry out military intervention without the full support of Nigeria. As a scholar of politics and international relations I have researched the implications of foreign military bases in Niger. I have also previously analysed the role Nigeria plays in regional organisations such as ECOWAS and the Multinational Joint Taskforce in the region.

My view is that the unwillingness of Nigeria’s politicians to support military intervention, coupled with growing local support for the junta in Niger, will make the use of force almost impossible. This leaves ECOWAS with little or no option than to pursue a diplomatic resolution.

Why military intervention is unlikely

There are three main reasons why the use of force is becoming more unlikely.

First, the increasing popularity of the putschists in the country is a cause for concern. The growth of protests in support of the coup is an indication of a wider acceptance than previously envisaged.

Hundreds of youths joined military personnel to stand guard at the entrance to Niamey. Some of these youths vowed to join the military to fight any incursion.

Second, politicians in Nigeria and Ghana fear that any military intervention would result in human catastrophe, which would further destabilise the region. Politicians from Nigeria argue that any war in Niger will have a serious impact on northern Nigeria, a region that is already strained by insurgency.

Apart from Islamist terror organisation, Boko Haram, which has ravaged the north-eastern part of the country, clashes between farmers and pastoralists have also destabilised other parts of northern Nigeria.

Seven Nigerian states share borders with Niger. An attack on Niger would lead to a large influx of refugees into Nigeria. This has created anxiety in northern Nigeria. President Bola Tinubu, who took office only recently, will find it difficult to ignore the senators from the region who rejected any military intervention.

Third, Niger has fought terrorism in the region and has been a reliable partner. The country is a member of the Multinational Joint Task Force and the G5 Sahel, two key organisations tasked with countering terrorism and fighting trafficking in the region.

A military intervention in Niger which could result in a full blown war would embolden terrorist groups. It will also result in soldiers previously fighting side by side against terrorist groups now fighting against each other.

With Islamic State West Africa Province, an ISIS affiliate, already operating in the region, an attack on Niger could create a situation similar to what happened in Syria. ISIS took advantage of the fighting in Syria to establish a caliphate in 2014.

Way forward

Since military intervention to restore democracy in Niger is unlikely, diplomacy remains the only solution.

The de facto leader General Abdourahamane Tiani was on the verge of being removed as leader of the presidential guard before the coup d’etat. Many high-ranking military officers in the country are involved in the mutiny and it is almost impossible they will be able to work with Bazoum again. They could be tried for treason, which is punishable by death in Niger.

As I have explained elsewhere, the mutiny was partly a result of the large presence of foreign military troops in the country. It has further weakened the relationship between the Nigerien military and France.

The military junta has cancelled military cooperation with France.

If Bazoum is released and restored as president, he will have to remove several military leaders who participated in the coup or renegotiate Niger’s military alliance with France. Both options are fraught with difficulties.

The most likely diplomatic option is for ECOWAS to negotiate a short transition window with the military junta. This will include a quick return to democratic rule.

This will calm the tension and give some assurance to partners within and outside the region. With the level of support the junta has received from the Nigerien public and outside the country, ECOWAS negotiators must be open to making concessions.

Third party countries with lower stakes in Niger must lead these negotiations and France must be willing to change its relationship with the country to one of mutual benefit. At the moment, Nigeriens see France as an exploiter and are keen to end their long-held relationship.

In all, there’s no easy solution to the impasse in Niger.

– Niger coup: why an Ecowas-led military intervention is unlikely
– https://theconversation.com/niger-coup-why-an-ecowas-led-military-intervention-is-unlikely-211136

August 8, 2023

Sickle cell disease is rife in west Africa – a fresh approach is needed to combat it

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Obi Peter Adigwe, Director General, National Institute for Pharmaceutical Research and Development

Sickle cell disease refers to a group of inherited blood disorders with symptoms like anaemia and blocked blood vessels. About 80% of the world’s sickle cell disease cases occur in sub-Saharan Africa. Lack of access to comprehensive healthcare in the region adds to the burden of the disease.

Nigeria has the largest population of individuals with the condition globally. Reports indicate that about 25% of Nigerians carry the gene that causes it and 2% to 3% of the population suffer from sickle cell disease.

The mortality rate for children ranges from 50% to 80%. Clinical presentations vary among sickle cell patients. Some include leg ulcers, fatigue, dizziness and end organ damage.

My team and I at Nigeria’s National Institute for Pharmaceutical Research and Development undertook a critical review to investigate the challenges associated with sickle cell disease in sub-Saharan Africa.

We urge governments and relevant stakeholders in this region to prioritise policies that can underpin effective management of the disease. We recommend implementing relevant strategies that will reduce the burden whilst targeting total elimination. These include counselling about how genetic conditions might affect a family. We propose premarital genotype screening and comprehensive health insurance coverage for all sickle cell disease patients.

Gaps in the management of sickle cell disease

Our review focused on publications in English language journals between 2003 and 2021. The review provided insight on relevant medical interventions and helped to identify prospects for overcoming the burden of sickle cell disease.

We found that most of the studies in this area were undertaken in the West African region.

Some centred on hydroxyurea in the management of the condition. This drug treats anaemia by helping to prevent the formation of sickle-shaped red blood cells. It has contributed towards reducing the burden of the disease globally. Furthermore, it was observed that the drug has robust efficacy and safety in the treatment of children with sickle cell anaemia.

Niprisan has also proven to be effective in the management of sickle cell disease. This intervention is classified as a phytomedicine, which refers to medicines derived from plants in their original state. Developed by Nigeria’s National Institute for Pharmaceutical Research and Development, it contributed towards reducing the number of hospital admissions among patients.

A review of 55 publications found that access to comprehensive management of sickle cell disease was lacking. Specific interventions such as neonatal screening, early diagnosis and preventive penicillin therapy (an important part of infection prevention in sickle cell disease) were not readily available in countries like Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

A lack of adequate knowledge about sickle cell disease in countries like Nigeria, DR Congo, Cameroon and Nigeria contributed to the high prevalence of the condition. A more informed populace will reduce the disease burden. Similarly, poor prioritisation of premarital genetic counselling and screening severely limited its utility in the prevention of the condition. In countries like Cyprus, Greece and Italy, premarital genetic testing is standard practice. However, in most of the reviewed countries, most couples were not aware of genetic counselling. Others did not know the location of facilities which offered the service.

Sickle cell related interventions are expensive. It exposes families to financial hardships as most have to seek loans to pay hospital bills and other healthcare costs. In Nigeria for example, the findings of a study showed that few participants (7.2%) were enrolled in the National Health Insurance Scheme. Monthly household income ranged from ₦12,500 (US$27.15) to ₦330,000 ($716.64), whilst health expenditure was between ₦2500 ($5.43) and ₦215,000 ($466.90). Kenya also has similar examples. Health insurance can be an invaluable tool that can help ease the financial burden associated with the management of sickle cell disease.

Saving West African lives

There is a need to increase public awareness regarding sickle cell disease. This will correct some of the negative attitudes and wrong practices such as disregard for sickle cell screening prior to marriages, as well as a willingness to marry amongst individuals with genotype incompatibility. Campaigns should be targeted at correcting misconceptions that the disease is a death warrant and contagious.

People should know it is possible to live a long life with proper healthcare after diagnosis.

Campaigns aimed at improving relevant knowledge, alongside pre-marital screening and counselling, could significantly reduce the prevalence of the disease in West Africa. One idea could be to use public figures such as musicians, actors and social media celebrities in public awareness campaigns.

Countries with a high burden like Nigeria also need:

adequately equipped and revitalised health facilities
regular training of healthcare practitioners
comprehensive health insurance coverage for all sickle cell disease patients
higher prioritisation as well as increased investment in research and development.

Given the high prevalence of sickle cell disease in the region, the continent should lead initiatives to end the disease. New multidisciplinary programmes for affected populations need to be considered. Strategies to prevent, reduce, eliminate and manage the disease have to be integrated and pursued aggressively.

A fresh approach needs to harness political will with science-led interventions. Collaboration with private sector entities, development partners and philanthropists must be improved and embedded in strategies. Funding for research and other evidence-based interventions is abysmal – resources must be mobilised to these areas.

Godspower Onavbavba, a researcher at the NIPRD contributed to this article

– Sickle cell disease is rife in west Africa – a fresh approach is needed to combat it
– https://theconversation.com/sickle-cell-disease-is-rife-in-west-africa-a-fresh-approach-is-needed-to-combat-it-210264

August 8, 2023

How to build financial resilience: insurance and retirement savings are the most effective tools in South Africa – study

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Bomikazi Zeka, Assistant Professor in Finance and Financial Planning, University of Canberra

Imagine you’ve found yourself in a difficult financial situation and needed to raise R40,000 (more than US$2,000) on the spot. Where and how would you raise these funds? Or what if a financial emergency has just taken a grip of your household? Which resources would you draw upon to address the problem?

If these scenarios ring true, you’re not alone. Many households are struggling to cope with unexpected financial expenses as interest rates and costs of living rise. With the global economy recovering from the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, developing countries have been worse off. As many as 64% of households reported a decrease in income. And South Africa was no exception.

A recent study found that 61% of South Africans were financially stressed and struggled to meet their basic financial commitments due to a shortage of money. Further, close to 40% of respondents believed that their financial situation had worsened since 2022.

This points to a need for financial resilience.

Financial resilience is the ability to withstand and recover from financial shocks, such as an unexpected expense in a time of crisis. To understand the state of financial resilience, and the financial resources that build financial resilience, we studied a nationally representative sample of 4,880 South African households across nine provinces.

We have been researching financial planning in South Africa and are interested in the gender dynamics in household savings. Our research found that women were, in general, more likely than men to be financially vulnerable. We also found that insurance and retirement savings were the most effective tools for increasing financial resilience.

Measuring resilience

We constructed an index to measure financial resilience. It was made up of the availability of savings, insurance, credit and retirement savings. Access to these instruments is a financial safety net that one can rely on in times of need. We considered access to both formal and informal sources of finance for savings, including banks, non-banks, informal savings clubs and savings at home.

We also included in our analysis credit from banks, non-banks, informal credit providers, and family or friends. Insurance encompassed both life and medical insurance. Finally, we examined retirement savings as contributions towards compulsory retirement funds (such as pension or provident funds) and/or voluntary retirement annuity funds.

Our research also sought to examine the demographic and socioeconomic factors that could explain the differences in the levels of financial resilience between households.

What we found

Overall, we found low levels of financial resilience across the sample. Surprisingly, we found that insurance is the greatest contributor to building household financial resilience, followed by retirement provisions, savings and credit. However, we found that a gender gap in financial resilience exists, with men being more financially resilient than women.

We also found that the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics that are common between men and women also differentiate their resources levels in building financial resilience. In other words, some demographic groups have better access to financial products than others. For example, men between the ages of 45 and 59 have the highest levels of financial resilience compared to women across all age groups. Since men have higher rates of labour market participation and greater access to financial services, they also accumulate more wealth and have greater financial security.

On the other hand, when race is considered, we found that black and white men were more financially resilient than their female counterparts. White women remained more financially resilient than black women. Black women need to contend with the double burden of race and gender to overcome financial vulnerability.

We also observed a gender gap in financial resilience, in favour of men, across urban and rural areas (such as farming areas and traditional villages). Financial resilience was highest among people residing in urban areas. Households in rural or farming areas tend to be excluded from mainstream financial markets, which makes it difficult to build financial resilience.

We found that access to economic and education opportunities increased financial resilience for women. Women with jobs and those with tertiary education were more financially resilient than their male counterparts. This reiterates the importance of women having independent access to income as it improves their economic bargaining power.

How to improve resilience

To improve the ability to withstand financial shocks, a few key interventions are necessary.

First, the uptake of life and medical insurance is strongly connected to financial resilience and can help South African households overcome an unexpected crisis. Further, policies aimed at building reserves in savings and enhancing access to credit facilities among vulnerable households can improve levels of financial resilience and economic security.

Since we also established that retirement provisions are a driver of financial resilience, premature access to retirement savings should be discouraged. Particularly if it’s consumption driven. The new two-pot retirement saving system – which proposes that a portion of retirement benefits can be withdrawn prematurely – may be helpful in the short term. But it could lead to financial vulnerability during one’s retirement years.

Second, evidence of a gender gap in financial resilience calls for the design of gender-inclusive policies and interventions. More specifically in the access and use of financial services. Current practices of charging higher interest rates to those who are financially excluded typically disadvantages women as they have less access to financial services than men. Eliminating this policy can contribute towards improving access to financial products in a way that’s both gender-neutral and equitable.

In addition, racial and geographic location gaps in financial resilience are underpinned by gaps in access to financial services. This needs to be considered in national policies, such as the financial inclusion strategy, with clear targets set for closing such gaps.

Exposure to economic risks, whether anticipated or unexpected, is a reality we must all contend with. The ability to withstand and overcome these risks is a good indicator of financial resilience. Having adequate and equitable access to financial products and services remains the cornerstone of financial resilience.

– How to build financial resilience: insurance and retirement savings are the most effective tools in South Africa – study
– https://theconversation.com/how-to-build-financial-resilience-insurance-and-retirement-savings-are-the-most-effective-tools-in-south-africa-study-210083

August 8, 2023

Umlungu: the colourful history of a word used to describe white people in South Africa

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Andiswa Mvanyashe, Senior lecturer in Languages and Literature, Nelson Mandela University

In South Africa “umlungu” is a word that’s commonly used to refer to white people. It comes from isiXhosa, the language of the country’s Xhosa people. It’s always been a mystery how the word originated or what it actually means because no human beings were referred to as umlungu before the arrival of white people in the country by ship. There was, however, a word “ubulungu” which meant “that deposited out by the sea” or sea scum.

While it may have been considered impolite in the past, today umlungu is a polite word. Many white South Africans don’t mind calling themselves umlungu – there are even T-shirt ranges bearing the word. And it’s now also commonly used to refer to black people – meaning “my employer” or “a wealthy person”. So how did umlungu come to change its meaning?

As a linguist who teaches and studies isiXhosa, I recently published a study that considers the word from a sociolinguistic perspective. Sociolinguistics can be defined as the link between language and society. I chose to frame my study through this theory because a language is not independent of the people who speak it. Individuals shape words to reflect the changing context of their society.

The word umlungu has taken on multiple meanings as a result of historical events, showing how language evolves through social interactions.

Colonial times

According to one study, the term umlungu arose from an incident in which shipwrecked white people were deposited from the sea. The sea’s tendency is to toss anything out that is dirty in order to clean itself. The shipwrecked white people were given the name “abelungu/umlungu”, which means “filth that is rejected by the ocean and deposited on the shore”. Some of those shipwrecked remained and the clan name Abelungu was used to record their children.

The words umlungu and abelungu (plural) are used by Nguni people across South Africa. The Nguni are a large cluster of Bantu-speaking ethnic groups in southern Africa who have played an important role in the country’s history and culture. The Nguni ethnic groupings include the Zulu, Xhosa, Swazi and Ndebele. These subgroups share linguistic and cultural similarities while adhering to their own traditions and practices.

According to Zulu historians, white people arriving in South Africa were called “abelumbi” (magicians). This is because Shaka Zulu, the powerful leader of the Zulu Kingdom, witnessed a white person killing a man without touching him (with a gun). He stated that only a witch could kill a person without any physical contact. As a result, he called them abelumbi, which was later altered to abelungu (philanthropists) as time passed.

Various events throughout the colonial era forced black people into poverty, particularly after the Nongqawuse episode. Nongqawuse was a Xhosa prophetess who, in 1856, had a vision that if the Xhosa people killed all their cattle and destroyed their crops, the spirits would drive the British colonisers out of South Africa and bring about a new era of prosperity. Many Xhosa people then slaughtered their own cattle and destroyed their own crops. Some people died because of hunger.

Apartheid

This poverty was exacerbated under apartheid – an organised system of white minority rule in South Africa that imposed racial segregation and discrimination from 1948 until the early 1990s.

An umlungu was an esteemed member of society during the apartheid era because of the power and authority that they possessed. It’s my view that because of the apartheid system, black people were psychologically influenced to perceive everything linked with a white person as better and of a higher standard.

Due to the reality of colonisation and apartheid, most black South Africans were forced to work for white people and so an umlungu came to be defined as a white boss or employer. With time, this came to include all bosses or employers – even black people came to refer to a black boss as umlungu.

Today

I argue that the views of black people toward white people had a significant impact on the word changing and gaining numerous positive meanings. The concept that anything finer, richer and whiter in colour is umlungu has given rise to new positive connotations for the term. The word umlungu today can refer to an employer, a black person of a certain ethnicity with a lighter skin colour, someone of higher standing, a wealthy person – or simply a white person.

A black person who owns and runs a farm like a white person using a labour tenancy arrangement, for example, is referred to as an umlungu. University students may be referred to as abelungu since they represent class mobility and luxury.

Xhosa people have further adapted the term, with some naming their children Nobelungu (the one who is of white people), Umlungwana (young white person) or Mlungukazi (white woman).

Social class and status influence the evolution of language. Change is also related to the relative safety of a group’s standing in society, with lower-status groups generally imitating higher-status ones. As a result, those identified as abelungu, particularly among the black population, are seen as having ascended the social ladder.

“Umlungu” demonstrates how the meaning of a word can change to reflect a changing society. Language is not static, it is a growing and shifting way of reflecting the world.

– Umlungu: the colourful history of a word used to describe white people in South Africa
– https://theconversation.com/umlungu-the-colourful-history-of-a-word-used-to-describe-white-people-in-south-africa-210416

August 6, 2023

An expanded Brics could reset world politics but picking new members isn’t straightforward

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Bhaso Ndzendze, Associate Professor (International Relations), University of Johannesburg

Eager to escape perceived western domination, several countries – mostly in the global south – are looking to join the Brics bloc. The five-country bloc (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) is also looking to grow its global partnerships.

What began in 2001 as an acronym for four of the fastest growing states, BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China), is projected to account for 45% of global GDP in purchasing power parity terms by 2030. It has evolved into a political formation as well.

Crucial to this was these countries’ decision to form their own club in 2009, instead of joining an expanded G7 as envisioned by former Goldman Sachs CEO Jim O’Neill, who coined the term “Bric”. Internal cohesion on key issues has emerged and continues to be refined, despite challenges.

South Africa joined the group after a Chinese-initiated invitation in 2010; a boost for then president Jacob Zuma’s administration, which was eager to pivot further to the east. The bloc also gained by having a key African player and regional leader.

Ever since, the grouping has taken on a more pointedly political tone, particularly on the need to reform global institutions, in addition to its original economic raison d’etre.

The possibility of its enlargement has dominated headlines in the run up to its 15th summit in Johannesburg on 22-24 August.

We are political scientists whose research interests include changes to the global order and emerging alternative centres of power. In our view, it won’t be easy to expand the bloc. That’s because the group is still focused on harmonising its vision, and the potential new members do not readily make the cut.

Some may even bring destabilising dynamics for the current composition of the formation. This matters because it tells us that the envisioned change in the global order is likely to be much slower. Simply put, while some states are opposed to western hegemony, they do not yet agree among themselves on what the new alternative should be.

Evolution of BRICS

BRICS’ overtly political character partially draws on a long history of non-alignment as far back as the Bandung Conference of 1955. It was attended mostly by recently decolonised states and independence movements intent on asserting themselves against Cold War superpowers – the Soviet Union and the United States.

BRICS has come to be viewed as challenging the counter hegemony of the US and its allies, seen as meddling in the internal affairs of other states.

Reuters estimates that more than 40 states are aspiring to join BRICS. South African diplomat Anil Sooklal says 13 had formally applied by May 2023.

Many, though not all, of the aspiring joiners have this overtly political motivation of countering US hegemony. The other important incentive is access to funds from the BRICS’ New Development Bank. This is especially pronounced in the post-COVID climate in which many economies are yet to fully recover. Of course the two can overlap, as in the case of Iran.

The notable applicants have included Saudi Arabia, Belarus, Ethiopia, Argentina, Algeria, Iran, Mexico, and Turkey.

Expanded BRICS

A strategically expanded BRICS would be seismic for the world order, principally in economic terms.

Key among the club’s reported priorities is reduction of reliance on the US dollar (“de-dollarisation” of the global economy). One of the hurdles to this is the lack of buy-in by much of the world. Though some states may disagree with the dollar’s dominance, they still see it as the most reliable.

Given the extent of globalisation, it’s unlikely that there will be attempts to chip away at the west’s access to strategic minerals and trade routes as happened during the Suez Crisis of 1956, at the height of the Cold War.

Instead, the new joiners would likely use their new BRICS membership to better bargain with their western partners, having more options on hand.

Herein lies the challenge (and the paradox) with BRICS expansion. On one hand, the grouping is not yet offering anything concrete to justify such drastic measures as de-dollarisation. On the other, the current five members also need to be selective about who they admit.

Among the considerations must surely be the track record of the applicants as well as their closeness to the west. The experience of having had a right-wing leader such as former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro in its midst must have been a lesson about the need to be circumspect when admitting new members.

Weighing the likely contenders

In this regard, aspirants such as Saudi Arabia and Mexico seem the least likely to make the cut in the short term. That’s despite the Saudis’ oil wealth and Mexico’s leftist-progressive leader Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador. Although they might be currently experiencing rocky relations with Washington, they have proven to be capable of rapprochement following previous disagreements with the US, with which they seem inextricably intertwined.

Saudi Arabia has a long-term military relationship with the US, while Mexico is the US’s number-one trading partner.

Of equal importance in the evaluation of potential new members is the relationship the aspirants have with the existing BRICS members. This is because another crucial lesson has been the tiff between two of its largest members, China and India, over their disputed border. As a result of the uneasy relationship between two of its members, the bloc has become alert to the importance of direct bilateral relations and dispute resolution among its constituent leaders.

Among the applicants, Saudi Arabia, which has had a fractious relationship with Moscow in the past, seems to face an uphill climb. It also has difficult relations with Iran, another applicant, despite their recent rapprochement.

The country which seems the most suitable to join BRICS for ideological reasons, and will expand the bloc’s footing in the Caribbean, is Cuba. It enjoys strong ties with the existing members. It also has solid “counter-hegemonic” credentials, having been the bête noire of the US for more than 60 years.

Cuba is also a leader in the Latin American left and enjoys strong ties with many states in Central and South America (particularly with Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Venezuela). Membership would boost its influence.

Character matters

If an expanded BRICS is to be an agent for change on the world scene, it will need to be capable of action. Having rivals, or states that are at least ambivalent towards each other, seems anathema to that.

Eager to proceed cautiously and expand strategically, the current BRICS states seems likely, at least in the short term, to pursue a BRICS-plus strategy. In other words, there may emerge different strata of membership, with full membership granted to states that meet the group’s criteria over time.

It is thus not mere expansion, but the character of the expansion which will guide the five principals on whether they grow from that number.

– An expanded Brics could reset world politics but picking new members isn’t straightforward
– https://theconversation.com/an-expanded-brics-could-reset-world-politics-but-picking-new-members-isnt-straightforward-210507

August 6, 2023

Ghana’s housing policy and regulation is failing – COVID proved as much

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Richmond Juvenile Ehwi, Research Associate, University of Cambridge

Access to decent housing is a fundamental human right. Across sub-Saharan Africa, however, this right remains an elusive dream for many households.

In Ghana, for example, the government estimates a staggering deficit of 1.8 million homes. Many households don’t get basic services either: 28.6% rely on wells for water, over a third use public latrines and one in ten dispose of waste indiscriminately.

Ghana’s housing market suffers from inadequate regulation. Landlords often demand exorbitant rents of 2-5 years in advance, even for poor accommodation. Both first-time and regular tenants save over seven months of their incomes to raise the advance rent. The burden of unaffordable housing weighs heavily on renters of all income levels.

Against this backdrop, the March 2020 announcement of a lockdown in the Greater Accra and Greater Kumasi metropolitan areas due to the COVID-19 pandemic raised concerns about how households would cope.

We are urban and housing studies scholars who research issues of housing in Ghana. Immediately after the lockdown restrictions were lifted, we conducted a study to explore how housing characteristics and households’ circumstances affected adherence to COVID-19 health and safety protocols in Kumasi, Ghana. We found that residents struggled to comply with the lockdown in their homes. The reasons they gave included lack of access to sanitation, ventilation and space. We propose the formulation of a pro-poor housing policy and enforcement of provisions in both the existing Rent Act and the Building Code to prevent landlords from charging rent advance beyond six months, and compel landlords to provide toilets in all habitable dwellings, respectively.

Findings

We conducted interviews with 27 household heads across eight suburbs in Greater Kumasi. The Ashanti region, with Kumasi as its capital, has the highest proportion of compound houses in Ghana (62.8% against a national average of 57.3%). Compound houses refer to a traditional form of housing where multiple dwelling units, typically single rooms and/or chamber and hall arrangements, are grouped together in a single or multi-storey building. These units are organised in two main layouts: single-banked, where the units surround an open courtyard, and double-banked, also known as “face me I face you”, where units are situated on both sides of a common lobby, with the courtyard at the rear. The courtyard serves as a significant space for social interactions and inter-household activities. Households within the compound share common facilities such as toilets, kitchens, drying lines, water, and electricity meters. The sharing of toilets and bathrooms raised concerns during the lockdown.

The areas studied were Old Tafo, Kentinkrono, Manhyia, Adiebeba, Santase, Kwadaso, Deduako and Appiadu. We selected these areas because of their different characteristics and prevalence of traditional family homes, which are collectively owned and occupied by between 10 and 15 households. Additionally, we sought expert insights from five housing professionals representing the Ghana Institute of Architects, Rent Control Department, Kumasi Metropolitan Assembly, and the Ministry of Works and Housing.

Our study uncovered realities that hindered households’ ability to comply with COVID-19 protocols during the lockdown. And even after the pandemic, what we’ve learnt can be used to address Ghana’s housing crisis.

Lack of water: People living in compound houses disconnected from public water mains were unable to benefit from the government’s suspension of water tariff payments. They had to buy water from commercial vendors for essential activities. Cooking, bathing and laundry left little water for regular hand-washing.

Inadequate sanitation: The absence of toilet facilities in some compound houses forced households, including children, to rely on public toilets. This increased their potential exposure to the coronavirus as they queued to use these facilities.

Poor ventilation: Being confined to the house during the lockdown was uncomfortable where ventilation was poor. Some homes had small, blocked and poorly oriented windows. Cooking within confined spaces, such as terraces or porches, made it worse for some people, and increased the risk of virus transmission.

Limited space for isolation: Some households were compelled to share rooms with family members who had contracted the virus because there were no spare rooms. Inability to isolate increased the risk of infection among household members.

Distracting work environment: Some formal sector workers such as consultants and teachers had to work from home. They faced challenges such as a distracting environment, lack of suitable work spaces, and unreliable internet connectivity.

The way forward

Our research underscores the urgent need for policy changes and regulation to tackle Ghana’s housing crisis.

A recent seminar involving policymakers and stakeholders in Ghana’s housing sector yielded a consensus that housing policy and supply should put the needs of the poor first. Poor households found it difficult to comply with the COVID-19 protocols. The existing pro-market housing policy does not help the poor to get decent accommodation.

Regulation should focus not only on the advance rent period but also on the provision of basic facilities. Toilets and bathrooms should be provided before properties are rented. The ongoing pilot of the National Rental Assistance Scheme is a start. This involves the government paying the rent advance on behalf of renters and receiving payback in the form of monthly loan payments. It presents an opportunity to ensure landlords can benefit from the scheme only if their rented properties meet these basic sanitary requirements and are decently equipped.

The affordable toilet programme in which local authorities, with support from the World Bank, build decent toilet facilities for households should be extended beyond the Greater Accra and Greater Kumasi areas. Poorer households could be offered flexible payment arrangements so they could participate.

We also propose a rethink of house design, construction materials and their sourcing. The growing preference for imported construction materials, such as doors, windows and roofing, without considering local weather conditions increases the cost of construction and can result in unpleasant housing conditions such as excessive space heating. Thus it is crucial to initiate a conversation about sustainable and context-specific housing design, and use of local construction materials.

The housing crisis in Ghana demands immediate action. Our research highlights the underlying issues of inadequate housing, limited access to basic services, and the unequal burden borne by the poor. As Ghana navigates the path to recovery from the pandemic, it should seize this opportunity to transform Ghana’s housing landscape to ensure most if not all households have access to safe, decent, and affordable housing.

– Ghana’s housing policy and regulation is failing – COVID proved as much
– https://theconversation.com/ghanas-housing-policy-and-regulation-is-failing-covid-proved-as-much-210692

August 6, 2023

Living in Nairobi’s slums is tough – residents are 35% more likely to suffer from high blood pressure than those in rural areas

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Shukri F. Mohamed, Associate Research Scientist, African Population and Health Research Center

Hypertension, commonly referred to as high blood pressure, is a non-communicable disease that occurs when there is a sustained elevation in the pressure of the blood that flows through the arteries.

Adults in low- and middle-income countries account for around 75% of the global cases.

High blood pressure is a manageable condition through regular monitoring, lifestyle changes and treatment. However, untreated blood pressure, also known as uncontrolled hypertension, can lead to damage to organs such as the kidneys, heart and brain. All this increases the risk for heart attack, stroke and other serious health issues.

Globally, uncontrolled hypertension is a leading contributor to death.

In Kenya, the 2014-2015 national survey on non-communicable diseases showed that high blood pressure contributed to a significant burden of disease. About one in four people have high blood pressure in the country. The hypertension prevalence for Kenya (24.5%) is slightly lower than that of neighbouring countries such as Tanzania (26%) and Uganda (26.4%).

Research suggests that urban slum residents are 35% more likely to be hypertensive than people living in rural areas. In Nairobi, Kenya’s capital city, around 60% of the population lives in slums or slum-like conditions. Previous research in Kenya’s urban slums shows high uncontrolled hypertension rates.

In our recent study, my colleagues and I wanted to understand the range of factors that put these people at risk for uncontrolled hypertension or protects them from it.

We found that the low socio-economic status of the slum residents, coupled with high medication prices, limited treatment.

Gaps in care persist in urban areas

Nairobi’s slum dwellers experience sub-optimal access to essential services. They face conditions that make informal settlements vulnerable to emergencies such as disease outbreaks and natural disasters.

Even though there are effective treatments for hypertension, gaps in care persist in urban areas in Kenya, particularly among the poorest communities.

Our research aimed at understanding the barriers to blood pressure control at various levels – individual, family and community, health system and policy.

We collected data through interviews and focus groups in two Nairobi slums: Korogocho and Viwandani. We interviewed people who had uncontrolled hypertension, aiming to understand their experiences and perspectives about their care.

Healthcare providers were interviewed to gather information about their prescription practices, adherence to national guidelines and knowledge of hypertension.

We also interviewed decision-makers and policymakers to gain their views on the challenges faced in getting hypertension care in the study community.

The research identified barriers to blood pressure control across all the levels studied. Major bottlenecks were the high cost of hypertension medicines, the constant unavailability of medicines at health facilities, and an unsupportive family and environment.

In this study, access to medication was a major barrier to blood pressure control.

Countries such as Eritrea and South Africa provide free hypertension medications at the community level.

In Kenya, however, free medication is provided only at higher-level health facilities. Slum residents have access to lower-level facilities which are not mandated to provide hypertension medications.

So what can be done?

A viable approach is to implement programmes with interventions capable of addressing the complex array of factors influencing hypertension care.

For instance, the provision of free or subsidised medicines would remove barriers that hinder patients’ access to hypertension medication.

It’s also essential to implement policies and directives to ensure equitable care for all, including those in slum communities seeking care at lower-level health facilities.

– Living in Nairobi’s slums is tough – residents are 35% more likely to suffer from high blood pressure than those in rural areas
– https://theconversation.com/living-in-nairobis-slums-is-tough-residents-are-35-more-likely-to-suffer-from-high-blood-pressure-than-those-in-rural-areas-210002