The International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) Signs $1.5 Billion Annual Program with Egypt, Expanding Support for Energy, Food Security, Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), and Exporters

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

CAIRO, Egypt, February 4, 2025/APO Group/ —

The International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) (www.ITFC-IDB.org), a member of the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) Group, today announced the signing of its 2025 annual work program with the Arab Republic of Egypt, valued at $1.5 billion.

This agreement is part of a five-year framework, totaling $6 billion, aimed at enhancing Egypt’s growth across critical sectors including energy, food security, and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). The initiative is designed to boost Egypt’s economic development, support exporters, and create job opportunities for youth and women. This agreement, worth $1.5 billion, is part of the broader framework agreement between the two parties, valued at $6 billion over five years. The program is designed to support key sectors of the Egyptian economy, including energy, food security, and the empowerment of small and medium enterprises (SMEs), in line with Egypt’s goals for sustainable economic development and growth.

The signing ceremony, held in Cairo, was attended by key officials including His Excellency Lieutenant General Engineer Kamel Al-Wazir, Deputy Prime Minister for Industrial Affairs and Minister of Industry and Transport; Her Excellency Dr. Rania Al-Mashat, Minister of Planning, Economic Development, and International Cooperation, and Governor of Egypt at the Islamic Development Bank; and His Excellency Dr. Sherif Farouk, Minister of Supply and Internal Trade. The agreement was signed by Eng. Hani Salem Sonbol, CEO of ITFC and Acting CEO of ICD; Mr. Hossam El-Garrahi, Vice Chairman of the General Authority for Supply Commodities; and Mrs. Amal Tantawy, Executive Vice President for Financial and Economic Affairs at the Egyptian General Petroleum Corporation. ITFC’s 2025 program for Egypt includes trade finance operations to support the energy and food security sectors, as well as SMEs, with a focus on projects benefiting the Egyptian General Petroleum Corporation and the General Authority for Supply Commodities. The program also encompasses a wide range of initiatives to promote trade and business development, including the Arab African Trade Bridges (AATB) Program, the second phase of the Aid for Trade Initiative for Arab Countries (AfTIAS 2.0), and a comprehensive suite of programs designed to support Egyptian exporters and SMEs. Additionally, ITFC will continue its efforts to support women and youth through specific empowerment initiatives and technical training programs.

Since 2008, ITFC has committed over $18.7 billion to Egypt, financing key sectors such as energy, food security, and supporting SMEs and women entrepreneurs. This agreement underscores ITFC’s ongoing role as a key partner in Egypt’s economic development, leveraging its expertise in trade finance to empower vital sectors and foster inclusive growth.

Engineer Kamel El-Wazir, the Deputy Prime Minister for Industrial Development and Minister of Industry and Transport, said: “Today, through this partnership, we reaffirm our commitment to developing these vital sectors, ensuring the improvement of transportation infrastructure, updating the industrial sector, and enhancing its competitiveness. ITFC has proven, over the years, its vital role in supporting member countries of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) by offering innovative financial solutions and supporting developmental projects that contribute to stimulating economic growth and creating job opportunities.” He added: “The signing of today’s annual work program represents a strategic step that strengthens our partnership and opens new horizons for cooperation in infrastructure projects, manufacturing, and logistics services.”

Dr. Sherif Farouk, Minister of Supply and Internal Trade, said: “The allocation of $700 million from the ITFC to the General Authority for Supply Commodities, within the framework of the institution’s annual program for 2025, reflects the institution’s commitment to supporting government efforts aimed at achieving food security and fulfilling the state’s obligations towards its citizens.” He added: “The cooperation with the ITFC has not only been a financial commitment, but also a main pillar in the state’s efforts to secure its strategic needs of basic goods, enhance the Ministry of Supply and Internal Trade’s capacity to face emergency challenges, and ensure market stability. This confirms that this partnership represents a true foundation for supporting food security and ensuring sustainability in the supply of basic goods, which positively impacts the life of the Egyptian citizen.”

H.E. Dr. Rania Al-Mashat, Minister of Planning, Economic Development, and International Cooperation, and Egypt’s Governor at the Islamic Development Bank, stated that the signing of the annual work program with ITFC represents a new step in the successful development partnership with the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) Group in general, and the International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) in particular, which has contributed over 17 years to supporting the provision of strategic goods in the Egyptian market. She explained that the institution’s work program for 2025 aims to support food security and provide petroleum to the Egyptian General Petroleum Corporation in a way that enhances the availability of petroleum products and energy in the Egyptian market. This partnership also strengthens ongoing programs to encourage exporters and enable them to access foreign markets, as well as enhance efforts in training and developing small and medium-sized enterprises.

The International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) is a member of the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) Group, dedicated to facilitating trade in its member countries through the provision of financing solutions and technical support. ITFC’s mission is to support sustainable economic development by empowering businesses, particularly SMEs, women, and youth, through trade finance and capacity-building initiatives.

Eng. Hani Salem Sonbol, CEO of ITFC, expressed his pride in the longstanding partnership with Egypt, stating: “ITFC is committed to working with Egypt to drive sustainable economic growth. We are excited to expand our support for SMEs, women, and youth, while continuing to foster Egypt’s export capabilities. In 2025, we will introduce new initiatives that aim to empower these vital groups, creating lasting impact for Egypt’s economy.”

DRC: history is repeating itself in Lubumbashi as the world scrambles for minerals to go green

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Brandon Marc Finn, Research Scientist at the School for Environment and Sustainability, University of Michigan

Lubumbashi is a city in the mineral-rich Katanga region in the south of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Many people might not have heard of it, but Lubumbashi and its surrounding region have been at the centre of global geopolitics since the start of the 20th century. The area provided immense sources of copper, a metal that helped electrify the planet in the 1900s. It was also the source of all the uranium for the atom bombs used in the second world war.

The global demand for these minerals came at a great price. Lubumbashi grew as a divided city where housing and labour were spatially and racially segregated. Congolese workers were exploited, abused and taxed as urban and mining strategies were used to reshape society.

History is repeating itself. Neocolonialism now shapes the extraction of DRC resources.


Read more: DRC is the world’s largest producer of cobalt – how control by local elites can shape the global battery industry


Today, the southern DRC produces over 70% of the world’s cobalt. Cobalt is a mineral essential to decarbonisation – a strategy to reduce harmful carbon dioxide emissions. Cobalt is present in batteries in electric vehicles, mobile phones, laptop computers and renewable energy storage systems.

Like copper and uranium before it, cobalt mining has been linked to widescale exploitation and child labour. Corruption and elite capture remain defining features of mining in the DRC.

We are academics who research urbanisation, mining and sustainability as well as urban planning and environmental management. Our recent paper addresses the fact that African cities like Lubumbashi are at the heart of events that have shaped the modern world, yet they are woefully neglected in global urban theory (thinking about how cities form and develop) and urban geography.

Focusing on the global north and neglecting the south leads to major data gaps and contributes to mismatched and outdated urban policy.

Rock containing cobalt. © Brandon Marc Finn

We also argue that the human rights abuses and perils of today’s cobalt mining are new forms of old colonial practices. They strip the land and people of resources without proper pay. They offer green minerals to the global north at the cost of lives in the global south.

Sustainable cities and global decarbonisation are essential if we are to reduce cities’ carbon footprints and decarbonise economies in the face of the climate crisis.

Lubumbashi’s history, therefore, can offer a fuller understanding of the human and historical costs of minerals that shape cities – and the world.

A brief history of Lubumbashi

Lubumbashi was originally called Elisabethville. It was established by colonial Belgium in 1910 precisely to extract copper for global markets. This was done through a company named Union Minière du Haut Katanga (UMHK).

Concessionary companies made enormous profits in the Congo Free State between 1885 and 1908. The entire country stood under the private ownership of King Leopold II of Belgium. These companies were given the right to extract minerals and rubber through taxes imposed on local people.

A road being built in the Belgian Free State in 1890. PHAS/Universal Images Group/Getty Images

The Belgian Compagnie du Katanga (which later founded UMHK) had the task of establishing the physical and economic infrastructure of the region. In exchange for laying the groundwork for the extractive industries, soon to be headquartered in Elisabethville, the company was given a third of all unoccupied land in Katanga. The Belgians established a copper smelter and constructed roads. Temporary headquarters were established to supervise Elisabethville’s expansion.

One initial method of controlling the local rural people was a “hut tax” that had to be paid to live in Lubumbashi. Later, a “head tax” was introduced to raise funds for colonial management. It forced people into labour as the only means to pay off their newly acquired debt to the colonial state.

Elisabethville served as the device to assert effective occupation. It also staved off the possibility of British occupation of the territory. The Belgians planned Elisabethville by reproducing the urban forms and racial segregation of Bulawayo’s grid in Southern Rhodesia (part of today’s Zimbabwe) and Johannesburg in South Africa.

Elisabethville’s early plan. F Grevisse/Institut Royal Colonial Belge

UMHK dominated the colonial economy as demand for copper increased worldwide. UMHK also stipulated which seeds would be planted where for agriculture. It dissolved local markets and whipped labourers.

Copper was in such high demand because it is a non-corrosive material that conducts electricity well. It lined telegraph and electrical transmission cables across the globe.

Copper mining acted as a springboard from which UMHK could spread its influence. It developed railways, cities, labour camps and mining sites throughout Katanga.

Spatial segregation in Elisabethville. P Vandenbak

This allowed UMHK access to the extraction of another resource that would shape the global geopolitical landscape: uranium – extracted from the Shinkolobwe mine in Katanga.

It was the Belgian colonial presence that allowed the US to have access to uranium deposits as they sought to beat Germany in the race to build atomic weapons. All the uranium used in the two nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki came from Katanga.

This highlights the global significance of, but a neglected focus on, the impacts of mineral supply chains in the global south. Control over Lubumbashi’s minerals cannot be underplayed in this global historical event.

Katanga seceded from the Congo for three years, 11 days after the country gained independence from Belgium in 1960. The fight to gain control over Katanga’s resources led to the US and Belgian-backed assassination of the first independence leader, Patrice Lumumba. He was intent on reunifying Congo.

Mobutu Sese Seko became president of Zaire (today’s DRC) after a coup in 1965. He nationalised UMHK a year later. Mobutu served as president for almost 32 years, and his regime was characterised by autocratic corruption and economic exploitation.

Cobalt and global decarbonisation

The growth of modern technology relies, at least in part, on the extraction of cobalt in the DRC before it is shipped, mainly to China.

Cobalt is extracted as a byproduct of copper mining. Artisanal and small-scale mining and child labour remain a salient feature of cobalt extraction in the DRC. These miners receive little to no support and reflect the historical structural marginalisation created in the region.

Europeans settled in the city centre and locals in camps and informal areas. Junior Kannah/AFP/Getty Images

Lubumbashi serves as the mining headquarters of the southern DRC, and other cities, like Kolwezi, have grown rapidly in response to the surge in cobalt demand. Spatial and labour-related inequalities from the past are being replicated and expanded on in the present.

The DRC’s impoverishment continues apace as South African, Kazakh, Swiss and, with increasing influence, Chinese mining companies maintain their practice of exclusionary extraction, social displacement and political corruption.

Why this matters

Our research shows the importance of understanding the history of extraction and urban settlement in the region to shed light on new forms of old practices associated with decarbonisation. We see this as a continuing form of colonial power – as neocolonialism.

Contemporary debates around global inequalities associated with decarbonisation highlight how African populations must endure poor living conditions while the global north transitions to low-carbon technologies. We must find ways to move away from carbon-based economies that do not reproduce colonial inequalities.


Read more: Patrice Lumumba’s tooth represents plunder, resilience and reparation


Lubumbashi demonstrates the importance of African cities and resources in understanding critical global developmental and geopolitical issues.

For decarbonisation to be socially and environmentally just, it must contend with the people, places, and environments on which the future of low-carbon technology is based. Lubumbashi’s history shows how challenging this task will be.

– DRC: history is repeating itself in Lubumbashi as the world scrambles for minerals to go green
– https://theconversation.com/drc-history-is-repeating-itself-in-lubumbashi-as-the-world-scrambles-for-minerals-to-go-green-248571

Psychology in democratic South Africa: new book explores a post-apartheid journey

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Liezille Jacobs, Associate Professor, Rhodes University

When apartheid ended in 1994, South Africa underwent significant social and political transformation. A key aspect of this shift was the push for greater inclusion and representation of Black South Africans across all sectors – including psychology.

Dr Liezille Jacobs was part of a pioneering generation of Black psychologists who started their training in 1995. Now she has written a book, Rocklands: On becoming the first generation of Black psychologists in post-apartheid South Africa. In it she explores the barriers she and her colleagues faced and unpacks misconceptions around what psychology is and does. She also argues that critical (and African) psychology can both “address the legacies of apartheid and heal the relational traumas caused by systemic oppression”. The Conversation Africa asked her about the book and her work.

What is the book about?

I wrote Rocklands to address the widespread misconceptions that both first-year psychology students and the general public often hold about what it truly means to be a psychologist. It’s common for people to oversimplify the profession. They view it merely as talking to people or offering quick-fix solutions to problems. The reality is far more complex.

I wanted to challenge these superficial ideas and provide a more layered and accurate representation of the field. The process of becoming a psychologist is not just about acquiring theoretical knowledge. It’s also about developing emotional intelligence, critical thinking, and a strong ethical foundation. Psychologists must balance empathy with objectivity, personal insight with professional boundaries, all while navigating the vast complexities of human emotions, relationships, and societal influences.

The goal of the book is to make psychological knowledge and expertise more accessible to the public.

Rocklands is also an account of resilience and personal growth in the face of adversity. The first chapter reflects on my early experiences growing up in Rocklands, Mitchell’s Plain. Rocklands was established during apartheid as part of a government plan to segregate communities. Non-white South Africans were moved to areas like Mitchell’s Plain under the Group Areas Act. Over time, Rocklands grew into a working-class neighborhood, shaped by its apartheid-era history.

The ensuing chapters provide a detailed account of my unique and often difficult journey. I’ve traversed a path less travelled but it’s ultimately led to personal and professional fulfilment.

Why did you decide to study psychology?

I initially dreamed of becoming a journalist. However, my parents encouraged me to explore other career options. The results of a career assessment suggested I should consider social work, occupational therapy or psychology.

Psychology truly caught my attention. As someone with an introverted personality I was drawn to the idea of understanding human behaviour and thought processes on a deeper level. At the time, I envisioned myself working as a clinical psychologist, helping individuals one-on-one.

Everything shifted when I began my formal studies in 1995. I quickly realised that the field of psychology in South Africa – especially in the context of its history – had much more work to do. I saw the gaps in the system and became acutely aware of how psychology had, in many ways, been complicit in perpetuating social injustices. In 1995, as a first year psychology student, I was made aware of the field’s struggle with its apartheid legacy and psychology’s unfinished business.

Hendrik Verwoerd was the architect of the racist policies and segregation system that became known worldwide as “grand apartheid”. He was also a psychologist by training.

Psychology in South Africa has made efforts to adapt to a diverse society. But there are still challenges. These include a disconnect between academic training and professional practice, and the lingering effects of apartheid-era inequalities.


Read more: Being black in the world: a tribute to pioneering South African psychologist Chabani Manganyi


South Africa desperately needed (and still does today) Critical Psychologists. Critical psychology challenges traditional psychological theories by examining the social, political, and historical contexts that shape psychological issues. It critiques mainstream psychology for overlooking power structures. And it aims to use psychology as a tool for social change and addressing inequalities.

Critical psychologists challenge the dominant narratives of the past, address the legacies of apartheid, and have access to the tools to heal the relational traumas caused by systemic oppression. I knew I wanted to contribute to the transformation of the profession – to make it more inclusive, socially responsible, and oriented towards healing the wounds left by historical injustices. This shift in perspective has shaped my entire career. It’s guided my studies, research and teaching practice.

Have South Africa’s universities changed how they teach psychology?

The academic transformation project continues and universities are striving to adapt to a more diverse student body. But the pace and extent of this change can vary between institutions.

There has been a growing recognition globally that psychology, as a discipline, needs to move beyond its traditional western-centric, individualistic frameworks. It must engage more deeply with local contexts and diverse ways of knowing and experiencing the world.

I was the head of the Psychology Department at Rhodes University in South Africa’s Eastern Cape province from 2022 to 2024. The department has incorporated indigenous knowledge systems such as African philosophical perspectives and non-western psychological practices into our teaching.

For example, community-based service-learning strategies are emphasised in the undergraduate courses I teach. Community-based service-learning combines community service with academic learning. This gives students the opportunity to engage in real-world problems and contribute to the community while applying psychological theories, concepts and methods. Students learn how to become engaged citizens.

We also use a variety of teaching materials – case studies, texts by African scholars, multimedia – that resonate with students’ lived experiences.


Read more: Decolonising psychology creates possibilities for social change


In a society as culturally and racially diverse as South Africa it is crucial for people to see themselves reflected in the professionals they turn to for help. This can play a role in lowering barriers to mental health services.

South Africa has a legacy of collective struggle and community resilience. Psychology stands to gain from a greater understanding of collective identities, community dynamics and social justice. Psychologists from diverse backgrounds can offer more nuanced, holistic interventions that address systemic issues rather than focusing solely on individual pathology.

– Psychology in democratic South Africa: new book explores a post-apartheid journey
– https://theconversation.com/psychology-in-democratic-south-africa-new-book-explores-a-post-apartheid-journey-247699

Urgent action needed to reinforce breast cancer control measures in Africa: World Health Organization (WHO) report

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

BRAZZAVILLE, Congo (Republic of the), February 4, 2025/APO Group/ —

An estimated 135 000 women could lose their lives to breast cancer by 2040 in sub-Saharan Africa if urgent actions are not taken to reverse the trends, a new World Health Organization (WHO) report finds.

The WHO study assessed breast cancer control capacities in 42 of the 47 countries within the African region, focusing on six critical areas: leadership, governance and financing, health workforce, health information systems, and service delivery. The assessment revealed significant gaps and disparities in breast cancer control across the region highlighting critical shortage of healthcare workers essential for prevention, diagnosis, and treatment, as well as limited access to specialized cancer centres, hinderingprogress toward the Global Breast Cancer Initiative (GBCI) goals.

The analysis finds that only 5 out of 47 countries in the region have established organized breast cancer screening programmes with many countries still relying on opportunistic screening programmes. Access to pathology in Africa remains limited, with only two countries meeting the standard of one lab per 100 000 people.

Breast cancer-related deaths in the region are largely driven by late diagnosis and insufficient prevention and care measures. In 2022 alone, 38 out of every 100 000 women were diagnosis with breast cancer and 19 per 100 000 tragically lost their lives to the disease.

To enhance breast cancer care in the region, the WHO report underscores the urgent need for investment in leadership, governance and financing as fundamental steps. Strengthening these elements will pave the way for advancements in strategic planning, healthcare infrastructure, workforce training and, most importantly, equitable access to essential services.

The report calls countries to develop and adequately fund comprehensive National Cancer Control Plans, providing a strategic framework for coordinated national efforts to combat breast cancer effectively.

To address the severe shortage of cancer care healthcare professionals, WHO advocates for the expanding and enhancement of oncology training programs. Building a well-equipped workforce is essential to ensuring high-quality cancer prevention, diagnosis, and treatment services. Beyond workforce development, the report highlights the urgent need for organized breast cancer screening and early diagnosis programmes in countries. Ensuring these programs are accessible to all women in the region is crucial, as early detection significantly improves treatment outcomes and survival rates.  

Civil Society Organizations Brief the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women on the Situation of Women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

GENEVA, Switzerland, February 4, 2025/APO Group/ —

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women was this afternoon briefed by representatives of civil society organizations on the situation of women’s rights in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg, the reports of which the Committee will review this week.

In relation to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, speakers raised concerns regarding gender-based violence and abuse of internally displaced women and girls in the context of the escalating conflict, and the impact of the withdrawal of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

On Nepal, speakers addressed discrimination against vulnerable women, including indigenous women and girls, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex women, and women sex workers; anti-discrimination legislation; and the participation of women in political processes.

Non-governmental organizations speaking on Belarus raised topics including the dissolution of civil society organizations, imprisonment of women human rights defenders, and barriers to access to justice for women.

Regarding Luxembourg, a speaker raised issues related to a lack of gender sensitive policies and measures to address intersecting forms of discrimination, and the subordination of women through the social system.

The National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo spoke on the country, as did the following non-governmental organizations: Centre for Migration, Gender, and Justice; Groupe d’Action pour les Droits de la Femme; and SAVIE ASBL LGBT.

Regarding Nepal, the following non-governmental organizations spoke: Forum for Women, Law and Development; Feminist Dalit Organization; Nepal Indigenous Women Federation; Sex Workers and Allies South Asia and Team; Campaign for Change, Mitini Nepal, and Intersex Asia; and Visible Impact.

The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Belarus: Belarusian Helsinki Committee; Human Constanta; Belarusian Congress of Democratic Trade Unions; Coalition against gender-based and domestic violence; and Our House.

A representative of the Consultative Commission of the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg on Human Rights spoke on Luxembourg.

The Committee also held an informal meeting with the Working Group on Business and Human Rights and representatives from civil society and the business sector on “increasing the bottom line through smart, gender-inclusive, rights-focused approaches in digitisation.”

Opening the meeting, Nahla Haidar, the newly elected Committee Chairperson, said artificial intelligence and digital technologies had revolutionised everyday life and business practices across sectors in ways that were never envisioned in the past. She called for action to prevent bias and discrimination against women through cyber-enabled modalities; expand women’s economic opportunities in the new digital era; and equip women and girls with necessary skills, capacities and tools to contribute to providing digital solutions.

In the meeting, speakers discussed topics such as measures to prevent discrimination of women in the private sector, and particularly in the field of technology; measures to promote access to science, technology, engineering and maths education for women; measures to address the impacts of artificial intelligence on women; and measures to protect women’s rights in the energy transition era.

Committee Experts and members of the Working Group spoke in the meeting, as did representatives of the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Trade Organization, and various private sector and civil society organizations.

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women’s ninetieth session is being held from 3 to 21 February. All documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage. Meeting summary releases can be found here. The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

The Committee will next meet in public at 10 a.m. on Tuesday, 4 February to consider the report of the Democratic Republic of the Congo submitted under the exceptional reporting procedure (CEDAW/C/COD/EP/1).

Opening Remarks by the Committee Chair

NAHLA HAIDAR, Committee Chairperson, said that during each session, the Committee invited national and international non-governmental organizations to informal public meetings to provide specific information on the States parties that were scheduled for consideration by the Committee. She welcomed the representatives of non-governmental organizations and national human rights institutions that had come to provide information on the States parties whose reports were being considered this week: Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg.

Statements by Non-Governmental Organizations from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal and Belarus

Democratic Republic of the Congo

On the Democratic Republic of the Congo, speakers, among other things, said violence against displaced persons was on the rise in the State. Gender-based violence, specifically, was rampant, leaving survivors with limited access to justice. Displaced women had a lack of access to reproductive health care and were giving birth in unsafe conditions. The economic struggles that displaced women and girls faced were equally alarming. With scarce income opportunities, many were driven to survival sex, which exposed them to sexual exploitation and abuse.

The withdrawal of the United Nations Organization Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo raised real concerns. Plans from national authorities to take on the responsibilities of the Mission remained lacking. Armed militias and members of the security forces continued to abuse women with impunity. There were also “tolerance houses” where internally displaced women and girls were sexually abused. Justice remained inaccessible for most survivors.

Speakers called on the Government to bolster administrative capacities; ensure the transfer of United Nations facilities to the armed forces; investigate “tolerance houses” and hold perpetrators of gender-based violence criminally liable; control the spread of weapons; and ensure justice and dignity for all women in the State. Speakers also called for a national migration strategy that was gender-responsive; mechanisms for gender-based violence prevention, mitigation, and response; provision of health services and resources, especially with regards to maternity health, that connected to related concerns such as food insecurity and nutrition; and programmes to expand livelihood provisions that supported displaced women and girls.

Nepal

Speakers said Nepal had yet to enact a robust anti-discrimination law, making women more vulnerable to abuse. There was a need to criminalise discrimination against women and eliminate all discriminatory legal provisions against them. The State party also needed to allocate sufficient human and financial resources to public bodies working on women’s rights. Appropriate support needed to be provided to women victims of violence.

Fifteen per cent of Nepal’s population of women faced multiple forms of discrimination; many women faced social exclusion and violence. Some girls did not report crimes due to a lack of trust in the justice system.

Nepal needed to amend the Constitution to address historical discrimination of indigenous women and to recognise the customary laws of indigenous people. The Government needed to amend the act on the rights of persons with disabilities to address the rights of indigenous women with disabilities. Access to justice needed to be promoted for indigenous women and women with disabilities.

Nepal had failed to ratify the Palermo Protocol, and human trafficking and sex work were treated as the same in the country. Sex workers faced various forms of discrimination and violence. Nepal’s legislation had a direct impact on sex workers’ access to citizenship. Legislation on trafficking in persons needed to be amended to differentiate between trafficking and sex work. The Government also needed to facilitate sex workers’ access to citizenship and promote awareness raising campaigns on the rights of sex workers.

Lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex girls faced harmful treatment and violence, and systematic discrimination in education and healthcare in Nepal, and the Government had failed to act in response. The Government needed to ensure such women could access single women’s allowances, redefine marriage to include gender-free terminology, and support this group’s access to rights.

Education on sexual and reproductive health remained optional and inadequate in Nepal. It needed to be made compulsory. Legislation needed to be amended to fully decriminalise abortion, particularly abortions in cases of rape. The State also needed to amend legislation to include sexual and reproductive health and rights and sensitise health care providers and community members on safe births. It further needed to decriminalise sexual relations between consenting adolescents under the age of 18.

The meaningful participation of women in political processes was lacking; many women politicians faced violence. Nepal needed to investigate historic violence against marginalised women, collect disaggregated data on women, enhance women’s leadership capacities, take measures to eliminate discrimination against marginalised women and girls, and provide quality health services to all women and girls, particularly indigenous women, at a minimal cost.

Belarus

Speakers on Belarus said the Constitution did not provide effective protection against discrimination. Women’s rights to education and health care were limited. Belarus had institutionalised discriminatory food provisions; women and girls were not able to access fruit and nuts, leading to long-term health risks.

Access to justice for women was undermined by the persistent persecution of women human rights defenders. Women activists had been falsely labelled as terrorists despite their peaceful actions. The State had systematically dissolved various civil society organizations, including many that supported women. Almost 2,000 non-governmental organizations had been forced to liquidate. All women’s organizations that had prepared shadow reports to the Committee for the last review had been liquidated. It was immensely difficult to find legal assistance due to the political suppression of lawyers. In 2022, the Government had forcibly liquidated all trade unions. Six women trade union activists remained in prisons.

At least 139 women were political prisoners in Belarus. They lacked access to healthcare and were persistently ill-treated. Imprisoned women faced forced labour and modern forms of slavery. If women refused to work, they were put in “cages of shame” and forced to stand outside for several hours. Women prisoners earned between five and 10 euros per month and faced harsh penalties for not meeting quotas.

When domestic violence cases were reported to police, police screened the political activities of the victim rather than provide support. Victims and aggressors were invited together to meetings with authorities, promoting impunity.

Women migrants were vulnerable to trafficking and violence. Domestic violence was not a ground for asylum in Belarus.

Luxembourg

No non-governmental organizations spoke on the situation of women in Luxembourg.

Questions by Committee Experts

A Committee Expert said that there were many laws and policies for women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but there was weak implementation. How was the transitional justice policy being implemented for women? Was there a plan to promote the security of women and girls in the Democratic Republic of the Congo?

The Expert shared the non-governmental organizations’ concern regarding the suppression of civil society in Belarus. Were there plans to update the national action plan on human rights in Belarus, and were there plans to establish a national human rights institution?

Another Expert asked about anti-trafficking activities being carried out in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. To what extent were women represented in local governments and decision-making bodies in Nepal?

One Committee Expert asked about financial resources devoted to implementing the national gender equality plan in Nepal. What were areas of concern related to sexual and reproductive health services in Belarus?

A Committee Expert asked about problems regarding access to justice for Dalit women in Nepal. How common was the dowry custom in Nepal? Why was the dowry for younger women and girls lower?

Another Committee Expert asked if the Democratic Republic of the Congo had laws on the accountability of military personnel and contractors involved in violence against women. What social protection system and benefits did Belarus have for women and girls?

One Committee Expert asked about legal provisions that needed to be challenged. What needed to be done to educate girls and society about the harms of the kumari practice in Nepal, which isolated girls from their community?

A Committee Expert called for information on the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s national action plan on the development of the security forces. What action had been taken to dismantle non-governmental armed groups in the east? Was it still possible for non-governmental organizations in Belarus to protect women and interact with the Government?

Responses by Non-Governmental Organizations

Nepal

Responding to questions on Nepal, speakers said there was a very low percentage of women in federal and provincial decision-making bodies in Nepal, and an even lower percentage of Dalit women. There needed to be increased representation of women in these bodies. There were several laws that directly discriminated against women, including laws on legal residences, which considered women and girls’ residences as those of their husbands and fathers. Divorced women lost their property rights. It was prohibited to oppose gender biases in cultural and social practices. Nepal’s laws did not recognise lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex women as minorities; this needed to be done.

In Nepal, the parents of women paid dowries, and less dowry was paid for younger women. Dowry payments were most prevalent in the south of the country. The Criminal Code criminalised this practice, but it still existed.

Sexual and reproductive health education was part of the school curriculum but was no longer a compulsory subject. There were also gaps in sexual and reproductive health legislation, with many marginalised women not able to access sexual and reproductive health services.

Dalit women and other marginalised women could not easily access the justice system. They were not made aware of where and how to access justice and faced violence and discrimination from the police because of their identity.

Belarus

Responding to questions on Belarus, speakers said Belarus’ Gender Equality Council did not include non-governmental organizations working on human rights and gender equality. Belarus’ legislation on incitement to hatred was used to oppress women human rights defenders. One such woman had been imprisoned for seven years under this legislation. Raids, inspections and blocking of websites were tools used by the Government to restrict the activities of civil society organizations.

Statements by National Human Rights Institutions

Democratic Republic of the Congo

GISÈLE KAPINGA NTUMBA, National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said the Democratic Republic of the Congo was going through one of its darkest times in recent history, marked by the invasion of the M23 rebels in the east of the country, which was facing a protracted, violent crisis. Many women and girls had been displaced and were facing heightened risks of sexual violence and rape. The National Human Rights Commission had conducted investigations into sexual violence linked to conflict, engaging with competent institutions to address this problem and combat impunity.

The Commission welcomed that the Government had implemented several measures to protect women and girls from sexual and gender-based violence, including a law criminalising such violence and enshrining access to justice for victims. However, there was still a long way to go until these measures could effectively protect civilians from sexual and gender-based violence. The number of internally displaced persons continued to grow, and there had been many cases of rape reported. There needed to be increased funds to limit the circulation of small arms and light weapons, build new camps, and increase humanitarian aid for internally displaced persons. Care for victims of sexual and gender-based violence needed to be given by trained professionals.

The national fund for compensation for the victims of gender-based violence had helped victims to access care. The Commission also welcomed the organisation of travelling courts to combat impunity. The Government needed to restore peace in the east and take steps to protect civilians from gender-based violence, and provide internally displaced persons with adequate aid. Armed groups needed to respect the rules of international humanitarian law and implement an immediate ceasefire. The international community needed to promote peace by adopting sanctions against M23 and other armed groups.

Luxembourg

LAURA CAROCHA, Human and Social Sciences Expert,Commission consultative des Droits de l’Homme du Grand-Duché de Luxembourg [Consultative Commission of the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg on Human Rights], welcomed the efforts made by Luxembourg to combat discrimination against women since the last report, while noting persistent shortcomings, including a social system that kept women in a subordinate position to men. Luxembourg’s policy favoured a “neutral” approach that was not gender sensitive. Ms. Carocha urged politicians to openly acknowledge this systemic patriarchal domination and to make the deconstruction of this mechanism a priority. To this end, it was imperative that the Government finally implemented the principle of gender mainstreaming in a cross-cutting manner in all its policies.

Luxembourg’s equality efforts lacked an intersectional approach and the Government rarely addressed multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination. Disability was conspicuously absent from the National Action Plan for Equality between Women and Men, while the gender dimension was neglected in the National Action Plan on Disability. It was essential to have detailed data, disaggregated by gender, age, ethnicity, disability and education level, to better understand and address the different forms of discrimination that women faced. The Government also needed to impose concrete actions on companies, municipalities and administrations in terms of gender equality and the fight against discrimination against women.

All actions taken in the fight against discrimination against women needed to be carried out in close collaboration with civil society. This cooperation needed to be translated into lasting partnerships and political will to ensure that the contributions of civil society were seriously considered in the decision-making process.

Ms. Carocha concluded by calling for the recognition of multiple forms of discrimination, and a proactive and participatory response from the Government to gender inequalities rooted in societal dynamics. This meant adopting structural solutions that addressed the root causes of discrimination.

Questions by Committee Experts

A Committee Expert offered condolences to the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including families of civilians who had lost their lives. What did the National Human Rights Commission wish the Committee to highlight in the dialogue with the State party?

Another Committee Expert asked about measures to prevent conflict-related gender-based violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

One Committee Expert asked if humanitarian aid groups were able to access Goma and deliver food, health and menstrual products?

A Committee Expert expressed concern regarding the lack of participation from women’s organizations from Luxembourg in the dialogue. What progress had been made in reforming the Constitution? Was there an initiative to amend the timeframe for authorising abortions in the State? The State party did not publish data broken down by origin. Could data be provided on migrant workers in Luxembourg?

Another Committee Expert asked about Luxembourg’s process for identifying stateless persons.

Responses by National Human Rights Institutions

GISÈLE KAPINGA NTUMBA, National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said that in Goma, people in displacement camps had been bombarded. They had no power and no water, and the Rwandese army was on its way in. The international community needed to assist the Democratic Republic of the Congo in creating humanitarian corridors to assist internally displaced persons fleeing the region. The State had approved laws and measures on preventing sexual violence, but implementing these was a challenge, particularly in regions where the Government did not have control. In the dialogue, the Committee needed to ask the Government to choose diplomacy over other means, as the population was dying for nothing. Those involved in the conflict needed to be prosecuted. The international community needed to condemn the situation in the east and promote diplomacy.

Meeting with the Working Group on Business and Human Rights

Statements

ANDREA ORI, Director, Groups in Focus Section, Human Rights Treaties Branch, United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, said that the meeting would address the nexus between business and human rights, and gender and digital technologies. Cooperation and practices in digital fields needed to not perpetrate discrimination against women. There was room for improvement on measures addressing gender discrimination in the workplace, representation of women in leadership positions, workplace harassment, and labour rights for women. Women were over-represented in low-paying jobs. Stereotypes hindered women’s access to finance and investments, and women had less access to technology and digital services. Today’s discussion would focus on enhancing the promotion and protection of women.

NAHLA HAIDAR, Committee Chairperson, said artificial intelligence and digital technologies had revolutionised everyday life and business practices across sectors in ways that were never envisioned in the past. Strategic, innovative modalities to better safeguard the rights of women and girls called for partnerships, joint approaches and harmonised frameworks. Women needed to be engaged in digital developments from the beginning. States needed to avoid the re-inventing of stereotypes, bias and discrimination and the perpetuation of violence against women through cyber-enabled modalities; safeguard women’s livelihoods and expand economic opportunities in the new digital era for them; and equip women and girls with necessary skills, capacities and tools to contribute to providing digital solutions.

This briefing was anticipated to be the first in a series of collaborative efforts to address substantive issues on women’s economic rights in a digital world based on the provisions of the Convention. Business and human rights principles and the jurisprudence of the Committee and standards could be systematically deployed to uphold and respond to women’s rights protection and economic empowerment, particularly through inclusive digital technologies.

Sadly, gender equality had often been constrained by interpretations outside the text of the Convention, resulting in persistent gender gaps and disparities. Critical partnerships would enable the Committee to explore a collaborative and coordinated approach for bridging digital gender inequalities to create a more inclusive and equitable digital future for women and girls, one that was not only free of all forms of violence but also offered them equal opportunities to access and utilise digital technologies to boost their livelihoods and human capital assets.

LYRA JAKULEVIČIENĖ, Chairperson of the Working Group on Business and Human Rights, said that this year, the Working Group was preparing a report on the use of artificial intelligence in businesses and its human rights impacts. It focused on the deployment of artificial intelligence technologies and procurement by States and businesses, looking at biases and other issues. The use of artificial intelligence and other technologies had many benefits and but also created concerns, including related to gender, and these would be captured in the report. Synergy with the Committee would help both bodies to advance their agendas and strengthen the global protection of human rights, particularly for vulnerable women and girls.

ESTHER EGHOBAMIEN-MSHELIA, Committee Expert, said 300 million fewer women than men had access to mobile internet globally. Although about a third of small and medium enterprises were owned by women, women were under-represented in discussions on the global value chain. States needed to focus on the energy transition and artificial intelligence technologies, as if they did not address issues in these fields, the gender gaps would widen.

FERNANDA HOPENHAYM, Gender Focal Point of the Working Group on Business and Human Rights, said the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights had a cross-cutting gender perspective, and this needed to be addressed by States and businesses. The Guiding Principles said that States needed to include a gender perspective in all policies on business and human rights. It also called on businesses to respect human rights and to implement measures promoting diversity and inclusion. Women needed to be able to access remedies in cases in which their rights were violated. Technologies needed to be gender sensitive, responsive and transformative.

Panel Discussion

In the ensuing discussion, speakers, among other things, said women faced many barriers to accessing the labour market; these needed to be addressed. Countries needed to change company cultures to address discrimination against women employees, and promote diversity and family-friendly policies. Businesses needed to consider documents outlining the rights of women and girls, such as the Convention, and use tools to assess the effectiveness of gender equality measures. They also needed to create an enabling environment for women. Another key requirement was to conduct human rights due diligence with a gender lens.

Some speakers expressed concerns related to discrimination against women in the technology sector. Many companies lacked a gender lens when assessing their value chains and were not carrying out gender-related due diligence. There was evidence of disproportionate harm to non-binary women and the targeting of women human rights defenders online. Companies were actively amplifying gender biases. The Committee and the Working Group needed to work with civil society and to call out companies by name when they violated human rights. They also needed to promote corporate accountability and prevent regression.

Speakers presented measures to change cultural mindsets to support women to succeed professionally; to promote a healthy work-life balance for women; to raise awareness of women’s rights among businesses; and to develop rules and tools to protect women and girls on social media platforms.

Some speakers said technology could allow for greater access to education for women and girls, so women needed increased access to it. One speaker said girls had less opportunities to study in fields such as programming and robotics. With simple reforms and measures encouraging participation, more and more women and girls would choose information technology as a profession, they said.

Some speakers expressed concerns that artificial intelligence technology was not sufficiently regulated. It was possible for artificial intelligence systems to learn and reproduce societal biases and there were also privacy concerns regarding the data that these systems used. One speaker presented efforts to eliminate biases in artificial intelligence systems and to develop tools to ensure that such systems respected human rights.

One speaker called for respect for women’s rights in the energy transition. Women had strong roles to play in preventing child labour in the energy sector and supporting children’s access to education. Businesses needed to ensure women’s experiences were incorporated in energy transition programmes, and to finance science, technology, engineering and maths education programmes for women, speakers said.

Civil Society Organizations Brief the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women on the Situation of Women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

GENEVA, Switzerland, February 4, 2025/APO Group/ —

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women was this afternoon briefed by representatives of civil society organizations on the situation of women’s rights in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg, the reports of which the Committee will review this week.

In relation to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, speakers raised concerns regarding gender-based violence and abuse of internally displaced women and girls in the context of the escalating conflict, and the impact of the withdrawal of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

On Nepal, speakers addressed discrimination against vulnerable women, including indigenous women and girls, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex women, and women sex workers; anti-discrimination legislation; and the participation of women in political processes.

Non-governmental organizations speaking on Belarus raised topics including the dissolution of civil society organizations, imprisonment of women human rights defenders, and barriers to access to justice for women.

Regarding Luxembourg, a speaker raised issues related to a lack of gender sensitive policies and measures to address intersecting forms of discrimination, and the subordination of women through the social system.

The National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo spoke on the country, as did the following non-governmental organizations: Centre for Migration, Gender, and Justice; Groupe d’Action pour les Droits de la Femme; and SAVIE ASBL LGBT.

Regarding Nepal, the following non-governmental organizations spoke: Forum for Women, Law and Development; Feminist Dalit Organization; Nepal Indigenous Women Federation; Sex Workers and Allies South Asia and Team; Campaign for Change, Mitini Nepal, and Intersex Asia; and Visible Impact.

The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Belarus: Belarusian Helsinki Committee; Human Constanta; Belarusian Congress of Democratic Trade Unions; Coalition against gender-based and domestic violence; and Our House.

A representative of the Consultative Commission of the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg on Human Rights spoke on Luxembourg.

The Committee also held an informal meeting with the Working Group on Business and Human Rights and representatives from civil society and the business sector on “increasing the bottom line through smart, gender-inclusive, rights-focused approaches in digitisation.”

Opening the meeting, Nahla Haidar, the newly elected Committee Chairperson, said artificial intelligence and digital technologies had revolutionised everyday life and business practices across sectors in ways that were never envisioned in the past. She called for action to prevent bias and discrimination against women through cyber-enabled modalities; expand women’s economic opportunities in the new digital era; and equip women and girls with necessary skills, capacities and tools to contribute to providing digital solutions.

In the meeting, speakers discussed topics such as measures to prevent discrimination of women in the private sector, and particularly in the field of technology; measures to promote access to science, technology, engineering and maths education for women; measures to address the impacts of artificial intelligence on women; and measures to protect women’s rights in the energy transition era.

Committee Experts and members of the Working Group spoke in the meeting, as did representatives of the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Trade Organization, and various private sector and civil society organizations.

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women’s ninetieth session is being held from 3 to 21 February. All documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage. Meeting summary releases can be found here. The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

The Committee will next meet in public at 10 a.m. on Tuesday, 4 February to consider the report of the Democratic Republic of the Congo submitted under the exceptional reporting procedure (CEDAW/C/COD/EP/1).

Opening Remarks by the Committee Chair

NAHLA HAIDAR, Committee Chairperson, said that during each session, the Committee invited national and international non-governmental organizations to informal public meetings to provide specific information on the States parties that were scheduled for consideration by the Committee. She welcomed the representatives of non-governmental organizations and national human rights institutions that had come to provide information on the States parties whose reports were being considered this week: Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg.

Statements by Non-Governmental Organizations from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal and Belarus

Democratic Republic of the Congo

On the Democratic Republic of the Congo, speakers, among other things, said violence against displaced persons was on the rise in the State. Gender-based violence, specifically, was rampant, leaving survivors with limited access to justice. Displaced women had a lack of access to reproductive health care and were giving birth in unsafe conditions. The economic struggles that displaced women and girls faced were equally alarming. With scarce income opportunities, many were driven to survival sex, which exposed them to sexual exploitation and abuse.

The withdrawal of the United Nations Organization Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo raised real concerns. Plans from national authorities to take on the responsibilities of the Mission remained lacking. Armed militias and members of the security forces continued to abuse women with impunity. There were also “tolerance houses” where internally displaced women and girls were sexually abused. Justice remained inaccessible for most survivors.

Speakers called on the Government to bolster administrative capacities; ensure the transfer of United Nations facilities to the armed forces; investigate “tolerance houses” and hold perpetrators of gender-based violence criminally liable; control the spread of weapons; and ensure justice and dignity for all women in the State. Speakers also called for a national migration strategy that was gender-responsive; mechanisms for gender-based violence prevention, mitigation, and response; provision of health services and resources, especially with regards to maternity health, that connected to related concerns such as food insecurity and nutrition; and programmes to expand livelihood provisions that supported displaced women and girls.

Nepal

Speakers said Nepal had yet to enact a robust anti-discrimination law, making women more vulnerable to abuse. There was a need to criminalise discrimination against women and eliminate all discriminatory legal provisions against them. The State party also needed to allocate sufficient human and financial resources to public bodies working on women’s rights. Appropriate support needed to be provided to women victims of violence.

Fifteen per cent of Nepal’s population of women faced multiple forms of discrimination; many women faced social exclusion and violence. Some girls did not report crimes due to a lack of trust in the justice system.

Nepal needed to amend the Constitution to address historical discrimination of indigenous women and to recognise the customary laws of indigenous people. The Government needed to amend the act on the rights of persons with disabilities to address the rights of indigenous women with disabilities. Access to justice needed to be promoted for indigenous women and women with disabilities.

Nepal had failed to ratify the Palermo Protocol, and human trafficking and sex work were treated as the same in the country. Sex workers faced various forms of discrimination and violence. Nepal’s legislation had a direct impact on sex workers’ access to citizenship. Legislation on trafficking in persons needed to be amended to differentiate between trafficking and sex work. The Government also needed to facilitate sex workers’ access to citizenship and promote awareness raising campaigns on the rights of sex workers.

Lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex girls faced harmful treatment and violence, and systematic discrimination in education and healthcare in Nepal, and the Government had failed to act in response. The Government needed to ensure such women could access single women’s allowances, redefine marriage to include gender-free terminology, and support this group’s access to rights.

Education on sexual and reproductive health remained optional and inadequate in Nepal. It needed to be made compulsory. Legislation needed to be amended to fully decriminalise abortion, particularly abortions in cases of rape. The State also needed to amend legislation to include sexual and reproductive health and rights and sensitise health care providers and community members on safe births. It further needed to decriminalise sexual relations between consenting adolescents under the age of 18.

The meaningful participation of women in political processes was lacking; many women politicians faced violence. Nepal needed to investigate historic violence against marginalised women, collect disaggregated data on women, enhance women’s leadership capacities, take measures to eliminate discrimination against marginalised women and girls, and provide quality health services to all women and girls, particularly indigenous women, at a minimal cost.

Belarus

Speakers on Belarus said the Constitution did not provide effective protection against discrimination. Women’s rights to education and health care were limited. Belarus had institutionalised discriminatory food provisions; women and girls were not able to access fruit and nuts, leading to long-term health risks.

Access to justice for women was undermined by the persistent persecution of women human rights defenders. Women activists had been falsely labelled as terrorists despite their peaceful actions. The State had systematically dissolved various civil society organizations, including many that supported women. Almost 2,000 non-governmental organizations had been forced to liquidate. All women’s organizations that had prepared shadow reports to the Committee for the last review had been liquidated. It was immensely difficult to find legal assistance due to the political suppression of lawyers. In 2022, the Government had forcibly liquidated all trade unions. Six women trade union activists remained in prisons.

At least 139 women were political prisoners in Belarus. They lacked access to healthcare and were persistently ill-treated. Imprisoned women faced forced labour and modern forms of slavery. If women refused to work, they were put in “cages of shame” and forced to stand outside for several hours. Women prisoners earned between five and 10 euros per month and faced harsh penalties for not meeting quotas.

When domestic violence cases were reported to police, police screened the political activities of the victim rather than provide support. Victims and aggressors were invited together to meetings with authorities, promoting impunity.

Women migrants were vulnerable to trafficking and violence. Domestic violence was not a ground for asylum in Belarus.

Luxembourg

No non-governmental organizations spoke on the situation of women in Luxembourg.

Questions by Committee Experts

A Committee Expert said that there were many laws and policies for women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but there was weak implementation. How was the transitional justice policy being implemented for women? Was there a plan to promote the security of women and girls in the Democratic Republic of the Congo?

The Expert shared the non-governmental organizations’ concern regarding the suppression of civil society in Belarus. Were there plans to update the national action plan on human rights in Belarus, and were there plans to establish a national human rights institution?

Another Expert asked about anti-trafficking activities being carried out in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. To what extent were women represented in local governments and decision-making bodies in Nepal?

One Committee Expert asked about financial resources devoted to implementing the national gender equality plan in Nepal. What were areas of concern related to sexual and reproductive health services in Belarus?

A Committee Expert asked about problems regarding access to justice for Dalit women in Nepal. How common was the dowry custom in Nepal? Why was the dowry for younger women and girls lower?

Another Committee Expert asked if the Democratic Republic of the Congo had laws on the accountability of military personnel and contractors involved in violence against women. What social protection system and benefits did Belarus have for women and girls?

One Committee Expert asked about legal provisions that needed to be challenged. What needed to be done to educate girls and society about the harms of the kumari practice in Nepal, which isolated girls from their community?

A Committee Expert called for information on the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s national action plan on the development of the security forces. What action had been taken to dismantle non-governmental armed groups in the east? Was it still possible for non-governmental organizations in Belarus to protect women and interact with the Government?

Responses by Non-Governmental Organizations

Nepal

Responding to questions on Nepal, speakers said there was a very low percentage of women in federal and provincial decision-making bodies in Nepal, and an even lower percentage of Dalit women. There needed to be increased representation of women in these bodies. There were several laws that directly discriminated against women, including laws on legal residences, which considered women and girls’ residences as those of their husbands and fathers. Divorced women lost their property rights. It was prohibited to oppose gender biases in cultural and social practices. Nepal’s laws did not recognise lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex women as minorities; this needed to be done.

In Nepal, the parents of women paid dowries, and less dowry was paid for younger women. Dowry payments were most prevalent in the south of the country. The Criminal Code criminalised this practice, but it still existed.

Sexual and reproductive health education was part of the school curriculum but was no longer a compulsory subject. There were also gaps in sexual and reproductive health legislation, with many marginalised women not able to access sexual and reproductive health services.

Dalit women and other marginalised women could not easily access the justice system. They were not made aware of where and how to access justice and faced violence and discrimination from the police because of their identity.

Belarus

Responding to questions on Belarus, speakers said Belarus’ Gender Equality Council did not include non-governmental organizations working on human rights and gender equality. Belarus’ legislation on incitement to hatred was used to oppress women human rights defenders. One such woman had been imprisoned for seven years under this legislation. Raids, inspections and blocking of websites were tools used by the Government to restrict the activities of civil society organizations.

Statements by National Human Rights Institutions

Democratic Republic of the Congo

GISÈLE KAPINGA NTUMBA, National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said the Democratic Republic of the Congo was going through one of its darkest times in recent history, marked by the invasion of the M23 rebels in the east of the country, which was facing a protracted, violent crisis. Many women and girls had been displaced and were facing heightened risks of sexual violence and rape. The National Human Rights Commission had conducted investigations into sexual violence linked to conflict, engaging with competent institutions to address this problem and combat impunity.

The Commission welcomed that the Government had implemented several measures to protect women and girls from sexual and gender-based violence, including a law criminalising such violence and enshrining access to justice for victims. However, there was still a long way to go until these measures could effectively protect civilians from sexual and gender-based violence. The number of internally displaced persons continued to grow, and there had been many cases of rape reported. There needed to be increased funds to limit the circulation of small arms and light weapons, build new camps, and increase humanitarian aid for internally displaced persons. Care for victims of sexual and gender-based violence needed to be given by trained professionals.

The national fund for compensation for the victims of gender-based violence had helped victims to access care. The Commission also welcomed the organisation of travelling courts to combat impunity. The Government needed to restore peace in the east and take steps to protect civilians from gender-based violence, and provide internally displaced persons with adequate aid. Armed groups needed to respect the rules of international humanitarian law and implement an immediate ceasefire. The international community needed to promote peace by adopting sanctions against M23 and other armed groups.

Luxembourg

LAURA CAROCHA, Human and Social Sciences Expert,Commission consultative des Droits de l’Homme du Grand-Duché de Luxembourg [Consultative Commission of the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg on Human Rights], welcomed the efforts made by Luxembourg to combat discrimination against women since the last report, while noting persistent shortcomings, including a social system that kept women in a subordinate position to men. Luxembourg’s policy favoured a “neutral” approach that was not gender sensitive. Ms. Carocha urged politicians to openly acknowledge this systemic patriarchal domination and to make the deconstruction of this mechanism a priority. To this end, it was imperative that the Government finally implemented the principle of gender mainstreaming in a cross-cutting manner in all its policies.

Luxembourg’s equality efforts lacked an intersectional approach and the Government rarely addressed multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination. Disability was conspicuously absent from the National Action Plan for Equality between Women and Men, while the gender dimension was neglected in the National Action Plan on Disability. It was essential to have detailed data, disaggregated by gender, age, ethnicity, disability and education level, to better understand and address the different forms of discrimination that women faced. The Government also needed to impose concrete actions on companies, municipalities and administrations in terms of gender equality and the fight against discrimination against women.

All actions taken in the fight against discrimination against women needed to be carried out in close collaboration with civil society. This cooperation needed to be translated into lasting partnerships and political will to ensure that the contributions of civil society were seriously considered in the decision-making process.

Ms. Carocha concluded by calling for the recognition of multiple forms of discrimination, and a proactive and participatory response from the Government to gender inequalities rooted in societal dynamics. This meant adopting structural solutions that addressed the root causes of discrimination.

Questions by Committee Experts

A Committee Expert offered condolences to the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including families of civilians who had lost their lives. What did the National Human Rights Commission wish the Committee to highlight in the dialogue with the State party?

Another Committee Expert asked about measures to prevent conflict-related gender-based violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

One Committee Expert asked if humanitarian aid groups were able to access Goma and deliver food, health and menstrual products?

A Committee Expert expressed concern regarding the lack of participation from women’s organizations from Luxembourg in the dialogue. What progress had been made in reforming the Constitution? Was there an initiative to amend the timeframe for authorising abortions in the State? The State party did not publish data broken down by origin. Could data be provided on migrant workers in Luxembourg?

Another Committee Expert asked about Luxembourg’s process for identifying stateless persons.

Responses by National Human Rights Institutions

GISÈLE KAPINGA NTUMBA, National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said that in Goma, people in displacement camps had been bombarded. They had no power and no water, and the Rwandese army was on its way in. The international community needed to assist the Democratic Republic of the Congo in creating humanitarian corridors to assist internally displaced persons fleeing the region. The State had approved laws and measures on preventing sexual violence, but implementing these was a challenge, particularly in regions where the Government did not have control. In the dialogue, the Committee needed to ask the Government to choose diplomacy over other means, as the population was dying for nothing. Those involved in the conflict needed to be prosecuted. The international community needed to condemn the situation in the east and promote diplomacy.

Meeting with the Working Group on Business and Human Rights

Statements

ANDREA ORI, Director, Groups in Focus Section, Human Rights Treaties Branch, United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, said that the meeting would address the nexus between business and human rights, and gender and digital technologies. Cooperation and practices in digital fields needed to not perpetrate discrimination against women. There was room for improvement on measures addressing gender discrimination in the workplace, representation of women in leadership positions, workplace harassment, and labour rights for women. Women were over-represented in low-paying jobs. Stereotypes hindered women’s access to finance and investments, and women had less access to technology and digital services. Today’s discussion would focus on enhancing the promotion and protection of women.

NAHLA HAIDAR, Committee Chairperson, said artificial intelligence and digital technologies had revolutionised everyday life and business practices across sectors in ways that were never envisioned in the past. Strategic, innovative modalities to better safeguard the rights of women and girls called for partnerships, joint approaches and harmonised frameworks. Women needed to be engaged in digital developments from the beginning. States needed to avoid the re-inventing of stereotypes, bias and discrimination and the perpetuation of violence against women through cyber-enabled modalities; safeguard women’s livelihoods and expand economic opportunities in the new digital era for them; and equip women and girls with necessary skills, capacities and tools to contribute to providing digital solutions.

This briefing was anticipated to be the first in a series of collaborative efforts to address substantive issues on women’s economic rights in a digital world based on the provisions of the Convention. Business and human rights principles and the jurisprudence of the Committee and standards could be systematically deployed to uphold and respond to women’s rights protection and economic empowerment, particularly through inclusive digital technologies.

Sadly, gender equality had often been constrained by interpretations outside the text of the Convention, resulting in persistent gender gaps and disparities. Critical partnerships would enable the Committee to explore a collaborative and coordinated approach for bridging digital gender inequalities to create a more inclusive and equitable digital future for women and girls, one that was not only free of all forms of violence but also offered them equal opportunities to access and utilise digital technologies to boost their livelihoods and human capital assets.

LYRA JAKULEVIČIENĖ, Chairperson of the Working Group on Business and Human Rights, said that this year, the Working Group was preparing a report on the use of artificial intelligence in businesses and its human rights impacts. It focused on the deployment of artificial intelligence technologies and procurement by States and businesses, looking at biases and other issues. The use of artificial intelligence and other technologies had many benefits and but also created concerns, including related to gender, and these would be captured in the report. Synergy with the Committee would help both bodies to advance their agendas and strengthen the global protection of human rights, particularly for vulnerable women and girls.

ESTHER EGHOBAMIEN-MSHELIA, Committee Expert, said 300 million fewer women than men had access to mobile internet globally. Although about a third of small and medium enterprises were owned by women, women were under-represented in discussions on the global value chain. States needed to focus on the energy transition and artificial intelligence technologies, as if they did not address issues in these fields, the gender gaps would widen.

FERNANDA HOPENHAYM, Gender Focal Point of the Working Group on Business and Human Rights, said the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights had a cross-cutting gender perspective, and this needed to be addressed by States and businesses. The Guiding Principles said that States needed to include a gender perspective in all policies on business and human rights. It also called on businesses to respect human rights and to implement measures promoting diversity and inclusion. Women needed to be able to access remedies in cases in which their rights were violated. Technologies needed to be gender sensitive, responsive and transformative.

Panel Discussion

In the ensuing discussion, speakers, among other things, said women faced many barriers to accessing the labour market; these needed to be addressed. Countries needed to change company cultures to address discrimination against women employees, and promote diversity and family-friendly policies. Businesses needed to consider documents outlining the rights of women and girls, such as the Convention, and use tools to assess the effectiveness of gender equality measures. They also needed to create an enabling environment for women. Another key requirement was to conduct human rights due diligence with a gender lens.

Some speakers expressed concerns related to discrimination against women in the technology sector. Many companies lacked a gender lens when assessing their value chains and were not carrying out gender-related due diligence. There was evidence of disproportionate harm to non-binary women and the targeting of women human rights defenders online. Companies were actively amplifying gender biases. The Committee and the Working Group needed to work with civil society and to call out companies by name when they violated human rights. They also needed to promote corporate accountability and prevent regression.

Speakers presented measures to change cultural mindsets to support women to succeed professionally; to promote a healthy work-life balance for women; to raise awareness of women’s rights among businesses; and to develop rules and tools to protect women and girls on social media platforms.

Some speakers said technology could allow for greater access to education for women and girls, so women needed increased access to it. One speaker said girls had less opportunities to study in fields such as programming and robotics. With simple reforms and measures encouraging participation, more and more women and girls would choose information technology as a profession, they said.

Some speakers expressed concerns that artificial intelligence technology was not sufficiently regulated. It was possible for artificial intelligence systems to learn and reproduce societal biases and there were also privacy concerns regarding the data that these systems used. One speaker presented efforts to eliminate biases in artificial intelligence systems and to develop tools to ensure that such systems respected human rights.

One speaker called for respect for women’s rights in the energy transition. Women had strong roles to play in preventing child labour in the energy sector and supporting children’s access to education. Businesses needed to ensure women’s experiences were incorporated in energy transition programmes, and to finance science, technology, engineering and maths education programmes for women, speakers said.

Groundbreaking Ebola vaccination trial launches today in Uganda

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

GENEVA, Switzerland, February 4, 2025/APO Group/ —

In a global first, Uganda’s Ministry of Health, the World Health Organization (WHO) and other partners today launched a first ever vaccine trial for Ebola from the Sudan species of the virus, and at an unprecedented speed for a randomized vaccine trial in an emergency.

The principal investigators from Makerere University and the Uganda Virus Research Institute (UVRI), with support from WHO and other partners, have worked tirelessly to get the trial ready in 4 days since the outbreak was confirmed on 30 January. It is the first trial to assess the clinical efficacy of a vaccine against Ebola disease due to Sudan virus. The speed was achieved through advanced research preparedness, while ensuring full compliance with national and international regulatory and ethical requirements.

The candidate vaccine was donated by IAVI, with financial support from WHO, the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI), Canada’s International Development Research Centre (IDRC), and the European Commission’s Health Emergency Preparedness and Response Authority (HERA) and support from the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC).

“This is a critical achievement towards better pandemic preparedness, and saving lives when outbreaks occur,” said Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO’s Director-General.  “This is possible because of the dedication of Uganda’s health workers, the involvement of communities, the Ministry of Health of Uganda, Makerere University and UVRI, and research efforts led by WHO involving hundreds of scientists through our research and development Filoviruses network. We thank our partners for their dedication and cooperation, from IAVI for donating the vaccine, to CEPI, EU HERA and Canada’s IDRC for funding, and Africa CDC for further support. This massive achievement would simply not be possible without them.”

In 2022, during the previous outbreak of Ebola disease (also from the Sudan species of the virus) in Uganda, a randomized protocol for candidate vaccines was developed. Principal investigators were designated under the leadership of the Minister of Health, and teams were trained to allow such a trial to take place during an active outbreak.

The randomized vaccine trial to assess the recombinant vesicular stomatitis virus (rVSV) candidate vaccine was launched at a ceremony in Kampala today by the Minister of Health of Uganda. WHO is co-sponsoring the trial. WHO was represented by Dr Mike Ryan, Executive Director of WHO’s Health Emergencies Programme and Deputy Director-General, and the WHO representative to Uganda Dr Kasonde Mwinga, along with other colleagues.

Three vaccination rings were defined today. The first ring involves about 40 contacts and contacts of contacts of the first reported and confirmed case, a health worker who has died.

Although several promising candidate medical countermeasures are progressing through clinical development, as of now, there is no licensed vaccine available to effectively combat a potential future outbreak of Ebola disease from the Sudan species of the virus. Licensed vaccines exist only for the disease caused by Ebola virus, formerly known as Zaïre ebolavirus. Likewise for treatments, approved treatments are only available for Ebola virus.

The vaccine for the trial was recommended by the independent WHO candidate vaccine prioritization working group. If the candidate vaccine is effective, it can contribute to controlling this outbreak and generate data for vaccine licensure.

In 2022, the research teams were trained in good clinical practice (GCP) and standard operating procedures for such trials. They completed refresher training in recent days. WHO colleagues experienced in trials and in ring vaccination arrived in Uganda over the weekend to support the trial implementation and GCP compliance.

The vaccine doses were pre-positioned in the country. WHO worked with the principal investigators and national authorities and the vaccine developer to review cold chain documentation and ensure the doses were stored correctly over the previous years. As part of the signed agreement with the Ministry of Health, WHO has a signed agreement with IAVI for additional doses of the candidate vaccine to be made available shortly.

Kinshasa’s traffic cops run an extortion scheme generating five times more revenue than fines

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Raúl Sanchez de la Sierra, Assistant Professor, University of Chicago

Commuting in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, presents challenges for its 17 million residents. Massive traffic jams and unsafe driving cause chaos on the roads, leading to long delays.

The chaos has become a pressing concern for residents. Reaching Gombe, Kinshasa’s central business district, for instance, can take up to five hours from surrounding neighbourhoods.

When he came to power in January 2019, President Felix Tshisekedi promised to combat Kinshasa’s traffic chaos by targeting road infrastructure. This included constructing an interchange and flyover. One-way traffic was introduced on certain streets. These have had little effect. Kinshasa’s traffic issues persist.

While congestion in the capital is usually blamed on poor infrastructure, there are some harder-to-see causes. As social science researchers, we set out to understand what institutional factors might be behind the city’s gridlock.

In a recent paper, we analysed an illegal revenue-generating scheme inside Kinshasa’s traffic police agency involving a coalition of traffic police agents, their managers and judicial officers. We studied the role this scheme plays in the city’s traffic conditions.

Under the scheme, known as the quota system, station managers (police commanders) assign street agents a daily quota of drivers to escort to the station, often based on fabricated allegations.

Our findings and analysis provide insights into how the quota system causes traffic jams and accidents, undermining the police agency’s mandate of traffic regulation. We also detail how corruption operates as a coordinated system rather than as isolated acts of individual misconduct.

The problem

Like many traffic police agencies worldwide, Kinshasa’s traffic police are tasked with managing key intersections and enforcing traffic rules.

Similar to many other civil servants in the Democratic Republic of Congo, police officers earn meagre salaries – around US$70 monthly. Anecdotal observation suggests that the police service lacks funds for basic necessities such as fuel or communication costs. Low resources have contributed to police officers extracting funds from drivers, partly for personal profit, partly to cover the costs for their police work.

A major way in which this is done is through a specific scheme involving traffic police agents. We found that station managers assign different street agents a daily quota of drivers to bring to the station.

To meet this quota, agents often use brute force and have the discretion to invent infractions that they report at the police station. The dilapidated state of most cars in Kinshasa helps police officers with this task.

At the station, agents pass the allegations to judicial officers, who have the power to issue charges – or demand bribes so drivers avoid formal penalties. Many drivers try to avoid this extortion by developing relationships with influential protectors. These are people who can intervene on a driver’s behalf and are often high-placed security officers or politicians.

Our research

After three years of qualitative fieldwork, we built trust with a large number of individuals inside and around the traffic police agency. This enabled us to design data collection systems in 2015 to study the traffic police agency’s practices.

We relied on the cooperation of 160 individuals and generated the following data:

  • direct observations of over 13,000 interactions between officers and drivers at intersections

  • station records of 1,255 escorted vehicles, including bribe negotiations and outcomes

  • traffic flow and accident data from 6,399 hourly observations.

To quantify the cost of this scheme on public service, we added an experiment: we collaborated with police commanders to reduce the daily quotas for some teams and days.

We encouraged commanders to temporarily cut their teams’ quotas in half. Reducing quotas could be expected to lower corruption demands on agents, reducing corruption overall. It would also enable agents to focus more of their time on managing traffic – an outcome later confirmed by our findings.

To ensure this approach worked, we compensated commanders for the private income losses they would experience due to the quota reduction, which we carefully estimated before implementing the study. This compensation is not unlike traditional anti-corruption incentives routinely used across the world, except that rather than it being targeted at street-level agents, it targeted the node of this particular scheme: the police commanders.

What we found

  1. The scheme generates large illicit revenue. The traffic police agency’s real revenue is five times larger than its official income from fines. We found that 68% of the illicit revenue generated through the quota scheme came from bribes paid by drivers after they’d been escorted to the station. The rest of the illicit revenue comes from street-level bribes outside of this quota scheme.

  2. The revenue raised relies on extortion at police stations. Judicial police officers had the power to threaten to issue arbitrary charges. We found that, first, 82% of the allegations were unverifiable by third parties. Second, the amount raised in station bribes was strongly linked to whether a driver was able to call a powerful “protector”.

  3. Extortion in police stations relies on the street agents’ power to arbitrarily escort drivers. These agents use their discretion to fabricate allegations and/or physical force to bring drivers to the station. When a driver was not seen making an infraction, force was more likely to be used.

Overall, this means that the scheme hinged on a coalition of managers, agents and judicial officers.

Through the reduction in the quota scheme levels, our scheme also revealed some social costs of this scheme. We found two important results.

Worse traffic: the quota scheme was accountable for a significant share of traffic jams and accidents observed at street intersections from where the agents operate. Partly through their induced absence and partly through their behaviour, the police officers also create numerous traffic jams and accidents. While this is suggestive rather than conclusive, our estimates suggest that 40% of traffic jams at the main intersections of the city are due to the scheme.

Diluted incentives to respect the law: the scheme made it less likely that drivers would respect the law. They could be escorted to a police station regardless of whether they complied with the traffic code.

Why the findings matter

Our study, which provides rare, detailed evidence of how corruption operates, has three policy implications.

  1. Target officials’ managers, rather than the officials themselves. Visible corruption is only the tip of the iceberg, and hinges on relationships of power and coalitions inside the state.

  2. Limit the discretion of judicial officers to charge the public, or that of agents to escort drivers to police stations arbitrarily.

  3. Incentivise “good” corruption. Encouraging station officials to take a significant share of fines for genuine infractions could give agents an incentive to escort drivers who actually break traffic rules. However, the trade-offs between traffic flow, safety and compliance must be carefully weighed, as quotas tied to fines could worsen congestion.

– Kinshasa’s traffic cops run an extortion scheme generating five times more revenue than fines
– https://theconversation.com/kinshasas-traffic-cops-run-an-extortion-scheme-generating-five-times-more-revenue-than-fines-246786

Former Africa Finance Corporation (AFC) Executive Board Member Sanjeev ‘SG’ Gupta, Joins APO Group as Senior Advisor to the Founder and Chairman

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

JOHANNESBURG, South Africa, February 3, 2025/APO Group/ —

APO Group (www.APO-opa.com), the award-winning pan-African communications consultancy and press release distribution service, is pleased to announce the appointment of Sanjeev SG Gupta as Senior Advisor to its Founder and Chairman, Nicolas Pompigne-Mognard (www.Pompigne-Mognard.com). In this role, Mr Gupta will assist APO Group in guiding African governments and corporations to harness the power of public relations and strategic communication to attract vital investments, amplify their competitive advantages, and unlock their growth potential. His experience will be invaluable in developing compelling and globally resonant narratives that not only highlight the unique opportunities but also inspire investor confidence and foster an environment primed for sustainable growth.

This strategic relationship highlights APO Group’s commitment to furthering its impact on the African continent by empowering African governments and the private sector to create coherent branding and communication strategies that is recognised internationally as a balanced and constructive argument on African realities and opportunities.

Gupta brings over three decades of distinguished experience in finance and investment, particularly within African markets. As the former Executive Director of Financial Services at the Africa Finance Corporation (AFC), a leading pan-African multilateral development finance institution, Gupta played a pivotal role in shaping Africa’s infrastructure and economic development landscape. During his tenure, AFC raised well over USD 10 billion from diverse funding sources and maintained an A3 investment-grade credit rating during what has been another decade of extreme turbulence and an enhanced risk environment for the continent. The Treasury team under his guidance was named “Best Supranational Treasury & Funding Team of the Year”. 

Mr Gupta has been a vocal advocate for integrating climate considerations into investment decisions, promoting sustainable development, and through his academic interests has nurtured young professionals globally to understand and appreciate the African relevance to global challenges better. 

A powerful orator and a passionate campaigner for a fair role for Africa on the global stage, he has been particularly successful in structuring significant investment flows into Africa along with African domestic capital to provide equitable returns to both private and public investors on transformational projects on the continent. 

Gupta has consistently highlighted that unlocking Africa’s demographic dividend is a vital priority, alongside the need for the continent to firmly establish itself as a leading source of solutions to critical global challenges.  

Nicolas Pompigne-Mognard, Founder and Chairman of APO Group, said: “Sanjeev’s extensive experience and visionary leadership in African finance are truly unique as we seek to work together to amplify the continent’s stories on the global stage. His expertise and extensive network will be instrumental in advancing APO Group’s mission to promote positive and impactful narratives about Africa.” 

Speaking on his new role, Gupta stated: “I am delighted to join APO Group and collaborate with Nicolas and his exceptional team. APO Group’s dedication to showcasing Africa’s potential resonates deeply with my own commitment to fostering sustainable development and investment across the continent. I look forward to contributing to APO Group’s efforts to ensure Africa is heard and accurately understood by all relevant stakeholders, so that both the African voice and the critical role it must play in building a better world are fully embraced and acted upon”. 

Sudan war: ethnic divisions are being used to cover up army failures – peace scholar

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Jan Pospisil, Associate Professor at the Centre for Peace and Security, Coventry University

Sudan’s civil war has devastated the country and strained relations with neighbouring South Sudan. Events in January 2025 have stirred up xenophobic feelings in Sudan and outrage in its southern neighbour, heightening the risk of regional instability.

Early in the year, the Sudanese Armed Forces captured Wad Madani, a town in Sudan’s central Al Gazira state. The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces had seized control of the town at the start of Sudan’s civil war in April 2023.

In the days following the army’s takeover of Wad Madani, various images and videos surfaced online. They showed brutal reprisals from the soldiers, including systemic killings and torture. Some of these acts were ethnically targeted against South Sudanese workers employed in the region’s agricultural schemes.

These images sparked outrage in South Sudan. This led to anti-Sudanese riots in the capital Juba and other cities on 16 January 2025, resulting in fatalities, injuries and widespread looting.

The Sudanese army formed a committee to investigate the attacks in Wad Madani. The credibility of these investigation is questionable, however, given that the committee is composed of army loyalists.

Further hurting the investigation’s credibility was a statement a few days later from the army’s second-in-command, Mohamed al-Atta, alleging that South Sudanese fighters constitute 65% of the Rapid Support Forces.

These events have strained relations between Sudan and South Sudan, compounding an already volatile association.

They also highlight a war strategy the Sudanese army is pursuing to gain domestic support: that the Rapid Support Forces is primarily composed of foreigners, in this case, South Sudanese fighters.


Read more: War in Sudan puts South Sudan in danger too: the world’s youngest nation needs a stable neighbour


This rhetoric has been fuelled by historical tensions between Sudan and South Sudan arising from the liberation war and the latter’s subsequent independence. South Sudan’s independence resulted in the loss of valuable oil resources for Sudan.

Further, the narrative that the Rapid Support Forces largely comprises foreign fighters – helpfully for the army – feeds and taps into nationalistic and xenophobic sentiments in Sudan. These sentiments date back to the post-independence efforts of the ruling elite to establish an Islamic and Arab state. This marginalised smaller ethnic groups.

The army’s rhetoric is further supported by the overlap of tribal and ethnic affiliations across Sudan’s borders, including South Sudan and Chad. There are also the numerous reports of the paramilitary group receiving support from foreign players like the United Arab Emirates.

I have studied transition processes and conflict dynamics in Sudan and South Sudan for more than 15 years. In my view, the army has used the narrative that the Rapid Support Forces is a foreign one to rally domestic support – and distract attention from its own actions and failures.

The strategy

The leadership of the Sudanese Armed Forces has frequently emphasised the Rizeigat origins of the paramilitary forces’ leader, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, or Hemedti.

The Rizeigat tribe spans both the Darfur and Chad border. This has supported claims that the Rapid Support Forces includes Chadians. Reports of the paramilitary group recruiting in Chad and the presence of Chadian militants in Khartoum have further reinforced this portrayal.

When it comes to South Sudanese involvement, there is documented evidence of South Sudanese fighters participating in the Sudan conflict. However, the scale of their involvement is grossly overstated. Even the highest estimates from my research contacts suggest fewer than 5,000 South Sudanese fighters have been involved. This is a mere fraction of the Rapid Support Forces’ estimated 100,000-strong militia.


Read more: Sudan is burning and foreign powers are benefiting – what’s in it for the UAE


Another contributing factor to the narrative around South Sudanese involvement is the South Sudan People’s Movement/Army. This is an opposition group that operates along the Sudan-South Sudan border. It targets South Sudanese government forces, sometimes using Sudan as a base of operations.

Since the onset of the war, I have learned in the course of my work that some South Sudan People’s Movement/Army troops have aligned with the Rapid Support Forces and participated in battles across Khartoum. Others have used their time in Sudan to acquire weapons and supplies for operations in South Sudan.

However, these opposition fighters are primarily motivated by pragmatic considerations. These include access to resources and political leverage, rather than any ideological alignment with the paramilitary group’s broader goals. These goals include reshaping the power dynamics in Sudan.

The South Sudanese group’s leader Stephen Buay has formally denied any links with the Rapid Support Forces. However, he has occasionally praised the paramilitary troops’ push against the Sudanese army.

Buay is participating in peace talks in Nairobi, where he has collaborated with other South Sudanese opposition figures to form a new joint force. This underscores his focus on South Sudan rather than Sudan.

The implications

Against this background, al-Atta’s claim that South Sudanese fighters make up most of the Rapid Support Forces is best understood as part of a broader strategy to justify the army’s actions and rally nationalist sentiment.

This strategy, however, worsens ethnic and regional tensions. It scapegoats South Sudanese fighters and further entrenches divisions between the two nations.


Read more: How militia groups capture states and ruin countries: the case of Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces


This rhetoric aligns with the Sudanese army regime’s broader propaganda efforts, which frequently vilify perceived outsiders or adversaries to consolidate power and justify its actions on the battlefield.

This approach risks perpetuating the cycle of violence, mistrust and regional instability.

– Sudan war: ethnic divisions are being used to cover up army failures – peace scholar
– https://theconversation.com/sudan-war-ethnic-divisions-are-being-used-to-cover-up-army-failures-peace-scholar-248325