Category: Reportage

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Tinashe Sithole, Postdoctoral research fellow at the SARChI Chair: African Diplomacy and Foreign Policy, University of Johannesburg

The vision of a “borderless Africa” is one of unity and shared prosperity for the continent. It is rooted in the ideals of the pan-Africanist movement.

There are contradictions, however, between those ideals and the realities of governance on the continent.

Internal divisions, structural poverty, poor governance and competing national interests have undermined pan-Africanism over the decades. Political and economic instability are on the rise. The escalating conflict in Sudan has the potential to destabilise neighbouring countries. There is thus an urgent need to revive pan-Africanism to foster peace and unity.

Historically, pan-Africanism began in earnest with the first Pan-African Conference in London, in 1900. Influential leaders and movements championed it, notably in the wave of African liberation between the 1950s and 1970s.

The formation of the Organisation of African Unity in 1963 marked a critical step towards uniting Africa. Leaders committed to creating a United States of Africa. But they often undermined unity through domestic authoritarian practices, power struggles and governance failures.

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Read more: African Union to get a new chair: 6 key tasks they must tackle

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My academic research has examined domestic conflicts that have affected many parts of Africa. It has analysed ethnic conflicts in Sudan, Rwanda and Kenya, state-sponsored election violence and coups in Lesotho and Mauritania. It shows that political intolerance, bad governance and social marginalisation fuel instability and conflict within African countries.

My latest research paper explored pan-Africanism and Africa’s developmental challenges. I argue that unity can only be realised if African states first address critical domestic challenges.

Challenges to pan-African integration

Many regional initiatives emphasise cross-border integration and development. The African Union’s Agenda 2063, a framework for socio-economic transformation, is one.

Agenda 2063 envisions a peaceful, prosperous and globally competitive Africa. It advocates for projects focusing on infrastructure, trade and empowerment of youth and women. But bad governance and socio-economic inequality within individual nations undermines these ambitions.

For example, the poor governance of mineral resources in the Democratic Republic of Congo has fuelled violent conflict. Over 5.6 million people are internally displaced. One million are exiled in neighbouring countries. Armed groups exploit the country’s mineral resources, worsening instability and undermining regional integration by creating cross-border humanitarian crises.

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Read more: The African Union has a poor record of protecting democracy. 2024 was no different

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To bridge the gap between the ideals and practice of pan-Africanism, African leaders must commit to:

• resolve domestic challenges and systemic contradictions

• foster equitable development that transcends national borders.

Resistance to open markets

The goals of pan-Africanism are at odds with the desire of political elites to maintain power in their individual countries. They see open markets as a threat to their authority. The African Continental Free Trade Area shows this tension. It officially entered into force on 30 May 2019, and trading under its framework began on 1 January 2021.

However Nigeria, among other countries, initially delayed participating. It feared that cheaper imports would harm domestic industries and displace local jobs.

Agricultural sectors in less industrialised African nations are particularly vulnerable. They fear that competition from more industrialised African economies would hurt local farmers and deepen inequalities. For example, Botswana and Namibia banned South African vegetable imports in December 2021.

Botswana said the ban was meant to be good for local farmers and the economy. But it restricts free trade, creates cross-border supply barriers, and puts national interests first. This blocks regional integration goals. Botswana’s new government has begun lifting the ban.

Internal strife

Structural poverty, governance failures and ethnic politics in some countries are barriers to national unity. Political power is contested along ethnic lines, deepening divisions.

For example, former Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe was celebrated as a pan-African leader for his strong stance against western imperialism. His legacy, however, shows he undermined elections through state-sponsored violence.

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Read more: The African Union is weak because its members want it that way – experts call for action on its powers

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He also weakened national unity by eroding democratic processes. Political persecution and economic collapse on his watch fuelled a refugee crisis, causing resentment and tension in southern Africa.

Uneven benefits of regionalism

Regionalism has been championed as a pathway to pan-African unity. Yet its benefits are uneven. The Economic Community of West African States has successfully promoted stability and peace and mediated conflicts in Liberia and Sierra Leone.

However, political instability, unequal resource distribution, corruption and weak infrastructure hinder broader progress. This includes expanded trade networks and stronger regional governance.

Mozambique, for example, is experiencing post-election unrest. And a deadly insurgency in the northern Cabo Delgado province has raged since 2017. These examples highlight how Mozambique’s political leaders have failed to address local grievances, instead fuelling violence and conflict for their benefit. This is at the expense of domestic unity, peace and development.

A belated military intervention by the Southern African Development Community in July 2021 failed to end the insurgency.

What needs to be done

A stable, inclusive and equitable domestic foundation is the basis of regional integration.

For example, countries could use a framework that makes decision making and resource distribution more inclusive. This could promote national cohesion.

Practical action to meet governance challenges together would strengthen pan-Africanism.

One approach could be to establish a “cross-border unity and action forum” to help communities, business leaders and civil society bodies share best practices. They could also develop regional projects and take on common challenges.

Lastly, a “pan-African local action network” could connect grassroots bodies, community leaders and small business forums across Africa.

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Read more: Sobukwe’s pan-Africanist dream: an elusive idea that refuses to die

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Local entrepreneurs in agriculture or technology could work with counterparts in other countries through exchange programmes. They could establish regional business incubators, or simplified cross-border trade agreements. These connections between citizens would drive unity, shared accountability and solidarity.

A borderless Africa

Pan-Africanism is often used to deflect responsibility for domestic failures while offering superficial solidarity.

Without addressing internal governance crises, structural poverty and ethnic divisions, African states will remain fragmented. If they cannot unite their own nations, can they ever hope to unite as a continent?

As Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana’s first prime minister and president, stated:

If we are to remain free, if we are to enjoy the full benefits of Africa’s rich resources, we must unite…

– Africa without borders could help the continent prosper – what’s getting in the way
– https://theconversation.com/africa-without-borders-could-help-the-continent-prosper-whats-getting-in-the-way-245394

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Bankolay Theodore Turay, PhD Candidate, University of Lagos

Land disputes in Sierra Leone are a complex issue, dating back decades. Weak land tenure systems, rapid urbanisation and population growth, poverty, inequality, corruption and weak governance are some of the factors driving these widespread conflicts.

They have an impact on livelihoods, hinder development and contribute to social unrest.

One community that serves as a microcosm of these disputes is Grafton, 32km east of the capital, Freetown. This is where I’ve been carrying out research for my PhD, focusing on women’s access to land and sustainable livelihoods.

Grafton’s proximity to Freetown and its role as a corridor for migration have attracted land speculators, leading to land grabbing and fraud.

The rate of development has outpaced traditional land management systems, creating confusion and conflict over rights to own and use land. Broader weaknesses in land tenure and justice systems also fuel the land disputes in Grafton.

Women in the Grafton community confront particular difficulties. Social conventions, cultural customs and legal frameworks that favour male property ownership and control frequently work against them.

When male heirs get preference, women are left with very restricted land ownership rights, even when they have helped to acquire or cultivate the land.

Land grabbers frequently target women, especially widows and single mothers, taking advantage of their precarious social and economic status.

Many women are unable to defend their land rights in court because they do not have access to legal aid.

My PhD research explores women’s vulnerability to land disputes in Grafton. I argue that policymakers, civil society groups and international development agencies should work together on policies that will protect women’s land rights.

Weak governance and multiple actors

Many Grafton residents do not have official land titles. Ambiguity about who owns the land can lead to conflicts and land grabs.

Land administration organisations and law enforcement are weak. Illegal land transfers, false titles, evictions and manipulated records can go unpunished.

Although traditional leaders have a big say in how land is used and allocated, their power clashes with official legal frameworks.

Confusion and inconsistency may result from overlapping authorities.

Cultural and social norms

In Grafton and many other parts of Sierra Leone, women are subject to cultural and societal conventions that frequently give preference to male land ownership and inheritance.

Women, particularly widows and daughters, have little to no inheritance rights under customary inheritance laws. Widows are frequently left without a source of income when their husband’s land is not left to them.

Communities may exclude women who try to stand up for their land rights.

Many women don’t know how to defend those rights, due to a lack of education.

Economic marginalisation

Like many other women in the country, Grafton women experience severe economic marginalisation. It has a direct effect on their capacity to own property.

Many don’t have collateral or formal jobs that would help them borrow money. It also means they are less able to invest in land improvements or buy land. The rising cost of land makes this even harder, especially in peri-urban areas where demand for land is high.

Their economic weakness makes women more vulnerable to land grabbing and other forms of exploitation.

Lack of legal awareness and access to justice

It’s difficult for women to defend their land rights when they lack legal knowledge and access to court systems.

The distance to courts and legal aid offices is a barrier. And legal bills and court costs are not affordable for many. Women may experience bias and discrimination in the legal system, which could result in unjust treatment and unsatisfactory legal counsel.

Violence and intimidation

In Grafton, women who stand up for their land rights frequently encounter intimidation and violence. From threats and verbal abuse to physical attack and property destruction, this violence can take many forms.

These violent crimes feed a culture of insecurity and dread. In public settings or during communal gatherings, women have experienced verbal abuse, insults and threats of violence.

Women are occasionally subjected to physical abuse, such as beatings and sexual assault. As a kind of intimidation, women may have their homes, farms or livestock destroyed or harmed.

Land disputes committee

The Sierra Leone government established the Complaints Committee on Land Disputes in the Western Area to investigate complaints about land disputes concerning the state for the period between April 2018 and January 2021. The committee has now completed its work.

It made key resolutions, referred cases in court to the Ministry of Lands for adjudication, and made recommendations to strengthen land dispute mechanisms.

The Western Area includes Freetown and surrounding rural areas – Grafton among them.

The government acted in response to the increasing number of violent land disputes in the area.

The Complaints Committee had the potential to help women with their land tenure issues, though its actual effectiveness remains unclear.

The committee has now concluded its operations. Even during its active period, it faced challenges such as insufficient infrastructure, personnel and funding, which likely hindered its ability to effectively address land tenure issues, particularly those faced by women.

Delays and backlogs result from the committee’s inability to manage a high caseload.

What’s needed

The Grafton case study shows that preventing and solving land conflicts in Sierra Leone needs a multifaceted approach. It should do the following:

• strengthen land tenure security

• formalise customary land tenure systems through clear documentation

• give women equal access to land ownership and inheritance rights through legal reforms and awareness campaigns

• make legal aid services accessible and affordable

• train legal professionals on gender-sensitive approaches to land rights and dispute resolution

• improve women’s economic independence through skills training and access to finance

• increase women’s participation in decision-making processes related to land use and management.

– It’s hard for women in Sierra Leone to own land – here’s why
– https://theconversation.com/its-hard-for-women-in-sierra-leone-to-own-land-heres-why-246935

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Herkulaas MvE Combrink, Senior lecturer/ Co-Director, University of the Free State

You’ll be hearing a great deal about artificial intelligence (AI) and education in 2025.

The UK government unveiled its “AI opportunities action plan” in mid-January. As part of the plan it has awarded funding of £1 million (about US$1.2 million) to 16 educational technology companies to “build teacher AI tools for feedback and marking, driving high and rising education standards”. Schools in some US states are testing AI tools in their classrooms. A Moroccan university has become the first in Africa to introduce an AI-powered learning system across the institution.

And the theme for this year’s United Nations International Day of Education, observed annually on 24 January, is “AI and education: Preserving human agency in a world of automation”.

But what does AI mean in this context? It’s often used as a catch-all term in education, frequently mixed with digital skills, online learning platforms, software development, or even basic digital automation.

This mischaracterisation can warp perceptions and obscure the true potential and meaning of AI-driven technologies. These technologies were developed by scientists and experts in the field, and brought to scale through big tech companies. For many people, the term AI reminds them of systems like OpenAI’s ChatGPT, which is capable of writing essays or answering complex queries. However, AI’s capabilities extend far beyond these applications – and each has unique implications for education.

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Read more: ChatGPT is the push higher education needs to rethink assessment

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I am an expert in AI, machine learning, infodemiology – where I study large amounts of information using AI to combat misinformation – knowledge mapping (discovering and visualising the contents of different areas of knowledge), and Human Language Technology (building) models that use AI to advance human language, such as live translation tools. I do all of this as the head of the Knowledge Mapping Lab, a research group within the Faculty of Economics and Management Sciences, and co-director of the Interdisciplinary Centre for Digital Futures at the University of the Free State.

In this article I explain the technologies and science behind the buzzwords to shed light on what terms like machine learning and deep learning mean in education, how such technologies can be – or are already being – used in education, and their benefits and pitfalls.

Machine learning: personalisation in action

Machine learning is a subset of AI involving algorithms that learn from data to make predictions or decisions. In education, this can be used to adapt content to individual learners – what’s known as adaptive learning platforms. These can, for example, assess students’ strengths and weaknesses, tailoring lessons to their pace and style.

Imagine a mathematics app that asks questions based on the curriculum, then uses a learner’s answers to identify where they struggle and adjusts its curriculum to focus on foundational skills before advancing. Although the science is still being explored, that level of personalisation could improve educational outcomes.

Deep learning: assessment and accessibility

Deep learning is a branch of machine learning. It mimics the human brain through neural networks, enabling more complex tasks such as image and speech recognition. In education, this technology has opened new avenues for assessment and accessibility.

When it comes to assessment, AI-driven tools can assist in marking, analyse handwritten assignments, evaluate speech patterns in language learning, or translate content into multiple languages in real time. Such technologies can both help teachers to lessen their administrative loads and contribute to the learning journey.

Then there’s inclusivity. Speech-to-text and text-to-speech applications allow students with disabilities to engage with material in ways that were previously impossible.

Natural language processing: beyond ChatGPT

Natural language processing is a branch of AI that allows computers to aid in the understanding, interpretation and generation of human language. ChatGPT is the most familiar example but it is just one of many such applications.

The field’s potential for education is huge.

Natural language processing can be used to:

• analyse student writing for sentiment and style to provide real time feedback into the thinking, tone and quality of writing. This extends beyond syntax and semantics

• identify plagiarism

• provide pre-class feedback to learners, which will deepen classroom discussions

• summarise papers

• translate complex texts into more digestible formats.

Reinforcement learning: simulating and gamifying education

In reinforcement learning, computer systems learn through trial and error.

This is particularly promising in gamified educational environments. These are platforms where the principles of gamification and education are applied in a virtual world that students “play” through. They learn through playing. Over time, the system learns how to adapt itself to make the content more challenging based on what the student has already learned.

Challenges

Of course, these technologies aren’t without their flaws and ethical issues. They raise questions about equity, for instance: what happens when students without access to such tools fall further behind? How can algorithms be prevented from reinforcing biases already present in educational data? In the earlier mathematical example this might not be as much of an issue – but imagine the unintended consequences of reinforcing bias in subjects like history.

Accuracy and fairness are key concerns, too. A poorly designed model could misinterpret accents or dialects, disadvantaging specific groups of learners.

An over-reliance on such tools could also lead to an erosion of critical thinking skills among both students and educators. How do we strike the right balance between assistance and autonomy?

And, from an ethical point of view, what if AI is allowed to track and adapt to a student’s emotional state? How do we ensure that the data collected in such systems is used responsibly and securely?

Experimentation

AI’s potential needs to be explored through experimentation. But this works best if managed under controlled environments. One way to do this is through regulatory AI “sandboxes” – spaces in which educators and designers can experiment with new tools and explore applications.

This approach has been used at the University of the Free State since 2023. As part of the Interdisciplinary Centre for Digital Futures, the sandboxes serve as open educational resources, offering videos, guides and tools to help educators and institutional leaders understand and responsibly implement AI technologies. The resource is open to both students and educators at the university, but our primary focus is on improving educators’ skills.

AI in education is here to stay. If its components are properly understood, and its implementation is driven by good research and experimentation, it has the potential to augment learning while education remains human-centred, inclusive and empowering.

– AI in education: what those buzzwords mean
– https://theconversation.com/ai-in-education-what-those-buzzwords-mean-247587

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Thembekile Olivia Mayayise, Senior Lecturer, University of the Witwatersrand

Next time you’re working in a coffee shop or similar public space, take a moment to look around at your “co-workers” for the day, busy, like you are, with laptops, cellphones and tablets. How many of those devices belong to the organisations that employ them? Or are they – and you – using personal devices to conduct company business?

Many businesses are embracing the convenience of a practice known as “bring your own device”. This allows employees to use their personal or privately owned devices such as smartphones, laptops, USB drives, and even personal cloud storage, for work purposes. A broader term, “bring your own technology”, encompasses the use of privately owned software for business activities.

According to technology company Cisco’s 2024 Cybersecurity Readiness Index, 85% of the more than 8,000 companies surveyed around the world reported that their employees accessed company platforms using unmanaged devices.

There are undeniable benefits to a “bring your own device” approach. These include lower purchase costs for companies and more flexibility for staff. But the practice is also risky.

Privately owned devices aren’t always well set up for security. They often lack endpoint security controls like anti-virus software and encryption (converting plaintext data into an unreadable format). This leaves them vulnerable to data breaches and other forms of cyberattack. Such attacks are common and can be costly. Cybersecurity company Kaspersky documented almost 33.8 million mobile cyberattacks worldwide in 2023 – a 50% rise from 2022 figures.

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Read more: Phishing scams: 7 safety tips from a cybersecurity expert

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So, what can organisations do to reduce the risks associated with “bring your own device”? As a cybersecurity professional who conducts research on and teaches cybersecurity topics, here is my advice for businesses that want to keep their data safe while letting employees use their own technology.

Who should be concerned?

Organisations of all sizes that use internet and communication technology (ICT) for business operations should address the risks that come with “own devices”. This isn’t just a matter for IT departments. Without collaboration between technical teams and management, it’s impossible to balance operational efficiency and robust data security measures.

This should be an immediate priority if:

• your organisation or business has no “bring your own device” policies, standards and guidelines in place

• you haven’t introduced fundamental technical safeguards for personal devices. These may be virtual private networks, up-to-date anti-virus software, multi-factor authentication, encryption and mobile device management tools.

• your business doesn’t have adequate processes for managing user accounts (often the case for entities without dedicated ICT resources)

• your ICT operations are fragmented, with no uniform standards or practices across departments

• the organisation hasn’t assessed the risks of “bring your own device” practices.

It’s never too late to strengthen cybersecurity controls for these practices. As cyber risks evolve, organisations must adapt to protect their information. Assess the financial and reputational risks of a data breach and you’ll almost certainly find that it’s worth spending money upfront to prevent huge losses in future.

Managing the risks

Organisations with the necessary cybersecurity resources can take measures in-house. Others may need to consider outsourcing in critical areas where there are major gaps.

First, you need a comprehensive “bring your own device” strategy that’s tailored to your organisation’s needs. This should align with organisational objectives and set out who has to have which measures in place. It should outline how letting employees use their own devices for work will meet business needs.

Then, the company must create policies to help in the governance of privately owned devices.

But it’s no use merely putting a policy on paper: communicate it to all staff, and make it easily accessible at all times through platforms such as the intranet. Communicate any policy updates to all users through various channels such as emails or workshops. Provide regular, customised training. Not everybody is tech-savvy; employees may need help to install the necessary safeguards.

And remember to update your team about any changes. It’s crucial to perform regular (monthly or quarterly) or continuous risk assessments and make necessary changes.

Critically, the organisation must monitor and enforce compliance. All members of staff, from top executives to junior staff, need to adhere to policies to uphold data security. Cybersecurity is a shared responsibility, and it’s important to be vigilant about certain threats, such as whale phishing – when scammers pretend to be senior officials at a company to specifically target other senior and key officials.

Avoid disaster

These strategies can help companies to prevent “bring your own device” from becoming “bring your own disaster”. A well-managed approach isn’t just a safeguard against threats – it’s an investment in your organisation’s growth, stability and credibility.

– Using your own laptop or phone for work? Why it’s a security hazard for businesses
– https://theconversation.com/using-your-own-laptop-or-phone-for-work-why-its-a-security-hazard-for-businesses-244418

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Manuel Francisco Sambo, PhD candidate, Doshisha University

Mozambique’s political history has been marred by violence, disputed elections and authoritarian control. The pattern continues. As the 2024 elections have shown, Mozambique remains trapped in a cycle of violence and instability. Mass protests due to widespread allegations of electoral fraud and police violence led to the deaths of dozens of people and widescale destruction.

My research on peace and security in east and southern Africa has focused on Mozambique’s post-independence political history. Based on my work, I argue that Mozambique is at an impasse. It is unable to fully embrace authoritarianism – or to build a functioning democracy.

One obstacle to full authoritarian rule is social media. It has reduced the state’s grip on what information is shared, who shares it and what voices are heard. The government has lost the ability to silence critics and dictate what it wants the country to believe.

To appease the international community Mozambique has maintained a democratic posture. But the country hasn’t been able to build a strong democratic state. It’s prevented by the entrenched power of the political, economic and military elites through Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front), the ruling party. Frelimo has dominated since the country’s independence in 1975.

The result is cycles of violence and political instability.

These cycles will continue unless Mozambique undertakes sweeping economic and political reforms. These would need to include the decentralisation of power, dismantling the Frelimo-linked patronage networks that control the economy, establishment of an independent judiciary, and fairer political competition.

It is unclear whether the newly inaugurated President Daniel Chapo will dare to ignite these reforms.

Why authoritarianism hasn’t worked

For much of its post-independence history, Mozambique was governed by an authoritarian regime under the single rule of Frelimo. Frelimo came to power in 1975 after leading the struggle for independence from Portuguese colonial rule.

In the 1990s, the country adopted multiparty democracy and a new constitution. The constitution established universal suffrage and periodic elections for the presidency and legislature. It also guaranteed fundamental rights and freedoms, including the right to life and protection from torture.

But Frelimo maintained its hold on power. The party did this through political repression, manipulation of electoral processes and patronage systems.

The political landscape has changed in the last decade, however. It’s more difficult for the state to maintain – or expand – its authoritarian grip.

Authoritarian regimes control opposition and dissent, but the state’s capacity to do this is diminishing.

Social media and digital communication tools have made it difficult to suppress ideas. Historically the government relied on state-controlled media to control the narrative and censor opposing views.

Smartphones and social media platforms have revolutionised the way information circulates. For instance, news about election irregularities, corruption and violence spreads fast. It often outpaces state censorship.

The ongoing protests after the 2024 elections are a testament to this. While the government has deployed forces to quell dissent, the scale of the protests and the speed at which they spread demonstrate the power of social media. Mozambicans have a platform to build alternative narratives, mobilise and resist.

Retaining international support

Another factor constraining the state has been the need to retain international support. This means maintaining the outward appearance of a democratic system. Mozambique’s economy is highly dependent on external assistance, particularly from western countries and international financial institutions.

Government officials are aware that they could lose foreign aid and investment if the democratic process is abandoned. This would deepen the country’s economic crisis and Frelimo’s challenges.

The withdrawal of aid in 2016 following the hidden debt scandal is evidence of donors’ leverage over Mozambique. Three Mozambican state-owned companies took loans from western donors for national projects that never materialised. As a result of aid suspension, Mozambique was forced to arrest prominent individuals. They included the former head of the secret services and the son of former president Armando Guebuza.

Democracy still a pipe dream

Frelimo’s widespread control has made it resistant to meaningful political change. A genuine democracy would require dismantling these entrenched structures of power.

Frelimo has protected the political and economic elites who benefit from its dominance. The party has kept its grip on power through a combination of patronage networks, corruption and control over key sectors of the economy. These elites include business people, military leaders and government officials. All are deeply invested in maintaining the status quo.

A genuine democracy, in which opposition parties could freely compete and challenge Frelimo’s monopoly on power, would threaten their interests.

The party has shown time and again that it is willing to manipulate the electoral process, use violence and stifle opposition to maintain its hold on power.

Elections are held regularly. Seven general elections have been held since the inception of multiparty democracy constitution. But they often lack transparency and fairness.

What needs to be done

Reforms are needed to break up patronage networks and redistribute power and resources. Frelimo’s leadership has shown little interest in doing this. It would jeopardise their control over state resources and the wealth they’ve accumulated over decades.

Mozambique’s political economy further complicates the prospects for democracy. Frelimo-linked elites dominate key sectors, such as natural gas, mining and agriculture, and benefit from favourable policies, state contracts and access to state-owned enterprises.

These economic interests are deeply intertwined with the party’s political power. It’s unlikely, therefore, that the elite will willingly relinquish control.

– Mozambique’s cycles of violence won’t end until Frelimo’s grip on power is broken
– https://theconversation.com/mozambiques-cycles-of-violence-wont-end-until-frelimos-grip-on-power-is-broken-247575