Civil Society Organizations Brief the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women on the Situation of Women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

GENEVA, Switzerland, February 4, 2025/APO Group/ —

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women was this afternoon briefed by representatives of civil society organizations on the situation of women’s rights in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg, the reports of which the Committee will review this week.

In relation to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, speakers raised concerns regarding gender-based violence and abuse of internally displaced women and girls in the context of the escalating conflict, and the impact of the withdrawal of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

On Nepal, speakers addressed discrimination against vulnerable women, including indigenous women and girls, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex women, and women sex workers; anti-discrimination legislation; and the participation of women in political processes.

Non-governmental organizations speaking on Belarus raised topics including the dissolution of civil society organizations, imprisonment of women human rights defenders, and barriers to access to justice for women.

Regarding Luxembourg, a speaker raised issues related to a lack of gender sensitive policies and measures to address intersecting forms of discrimination, and the subordination of women through the social system.

The National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo spoke on the country, as did the following non-governmental organizations: Centre for Migration, Gender, and Justice; Groupe d’Action pour les Droits de la Femme; and SAVIE ASBL LGBT.

Regarding Nepal, the following non-governmental organizations spoke: Forum for Women, Law and Development; Feminist Dalit Organization; Nepal Indigenous Women Federation; Sex Workers and Allies South Asia and Team; Campaign for Change, Mitini Nepal, and Intersex Asia; and Visible Impact.

The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Belarus: Belarusian Helsinki Committee; Human Constanta; Belarusian Congress of Democratic Trade Unions; Coalition against gender-based and domestic violence; and Our House.

A representative of the Consultative Commission of the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg on Human Rights spoke on Luxembourg.

The Committee also held an informal meeting with the Working Group on Business and Human Rights and representatives from civil society and the business sector on “increasing the bottom line through smart, gender-inclusive, rights-focused approaches in digitisation.”

Opening the meeting, Nahla Haidar, the newly elected Committee Chairperson, said artificial intelligence and digital technologies had revolutionised everyday life and business practices across sectors in ways that were never envisioned in the past. She called for action to prevent bias and discrimination against women through cyber-enabled modalities; expand women’s economic opportunities in the new digital era; and equip women and girls with necessary skills, capacities and tools to contribute to providing digital solutions.

In the meeting, speakers discussed topics such as measures to prevent discrimination of women in the private sector, and particularly in the field of technology; measures to promote access to science, technology, engineering and maths education for women; measures to address the impacts of artificial intelligence on women; and measures to protect women’s rights in the energy transition era.

Committee Experts and members of the Working Group spoke in the meeting, as did representatives of the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Trade Organization, and various private sector and civil society organizations.

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women’s ninetieth session is being held from 3 to 21 February. All documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage. Meeting summary releases can be found here. The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

The Committee will next meet in public at 10 a.m. on Tuesday, 4 February to consider the report of the Democratic Republic of the Congo submitted under the exceptional reporting procedure (CEDAW/C/COD/EP/1).

Opening Remarks by the Committee Chair

NAHLA HAIDAR, Committee Chairperson, said that during each session, the Committee invited national and international non-governmental organizations to informal public meetings to provide specific information on the States parties that were scheduled for consideration by the Committee. She welcomed the representatives of non-governmental organizations and national human rights institutions that had come to provide information on the States parties whose reports were being considered this week: Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg.

Statements by Non-Governmental Organizations from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal and Belarus

Democratic Republic of the Congo

On the Democratic Republic of the Congo, speakers, among other things, said violence against displaced persons was on the rise in the State. Gender-based violence, specifically, was rampant, leaving survivors with limited access to justice. Displaced women had a lack of access to reproductive health care and were giving birth in unsafe conditions. The economic struggles that displaced women and girls faced were equally alarming. With scarce income opportunities, many were driven to survival sex, which exposed them to sexual exploitation and abuse.

The withdrawal of the United Nations Organization Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo raised real concerns. Plans from national authorities to take on the responsibilities of the Mission remained lacking. Armed militias and members of the security forces continued to abuse women with impunity. There were also “tolerance houses” where internally displaced women and girls were sexually abused. Justice remained inaccessible for most survivors.

Speakers called on the Government to bolster administrative capacities; ensure the transfer of United Nations facilities to the armed forces; investigate “tolerance houses” and hold perpetrators of gender-based violence criminally liable; control the spread of weapons; and ensure justice and dignity for all women in the State. Speakers also called for a national migration strategy that was gender-responsive; mechanisms for gender-based violence prevention, mitigation, and response; provision of health services and resources, especially with regards to maternity health, that connected to related concerns such as food insecurity and nutrition; and programmes to expand livelihood provisions that supported displaced women and girls.

Nepal

Speakers said Nepal had yet to enact a robust anti-discrimination law, making women more vulnerable to abuse. There was a need to criminalise discrimination against women and eliminate all discriminatory legal provisions against them. The State party also needed to allocate sufficient human and financial resources to public bodies working on women’s rights. Appropriate support needed to be provided to women victims of violence.

Fifteen per cent of Nepal’s population of women faced multiple forms of discrimination; many women faced social exclusion and violence. Some girls did not report crimes due to a lack of trust in the justice system.

Nepal needed to amend the Constitution to address historical discrimination of indigenous women and to recognise the customary laws of indigenous people. The Government needed to amend the act on the rights of persons with disabilities to address the rights of indigenous women with disabilities. Access to justice needed to be promoted for indigenous women and women with disabilities.

Nepal had failed to ratify the Palermo Protocol, and human trafficking and sex work were treated as the same in the country. Sex workers faced various forms of discrimination and violence. Nepal’s legislation had a direct impact on sex workers’ access to citizenship. Legislation on trafficking in persons needed to be amended to differentiate between trafficking and sex work. The Government also needed to facilitate sex workers’ access to citizenship and promote awareness raising campaigns on the rights of sex workers.

Lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex girls faced harmful treatment and violence, and systematic discrimination in education and healthcare in Nepal, and the Government had failed to act in response. The Government needed to ensure such women could access single women’s allowances, redefine marriage to include gender-free terminology, and support this group’s access to rights.

Education on sexual and reproductive health remained optional and inadequate in Nepal. It needed to be made compulsory. Legislation needed to be amended to fully decriminalise abortion, particularly abortions in cases of rape. The State also needed to amend legislation to include sexual and reproductive health and rights and sensitise health care providers and community members on safe births. It further needed to decriminalise sexual relations between consenting adolescents under the age of 18.

The meaningful participation of women in political processes was lacking; many women politicians faced violence. Nepal needed to investigate historic violence against marginalised women, collect disaggregated data on women, enhance women’s leadership capacities, take measures to eliminate discrimination against marginalised women and girls, and provide quality health services to all women and girls, particularly indigenous women, at a minimal cost.

Belarus

Speakers on Belarus said the Constitution did not provide effective protection against discrimination. Women’s rights to education and health care were limited. Belarus had institutionalised discriminatory food provisions; women and girls were not able to access fruit and nuts, leading to long-term health risks.

Access to justice for women was undermined by the persistent persecution of women human rights defenders. Women activists had been falsely labelled as terrorists despite their peaceful actions. The State had systematically dissolved various civil society organizations, including many that supported women. Almost 2,000 non-governmental organizations had been forced to liquidate. All women’s organizations that had prepared shadow reports to the Committee for the last review had been liquidated. It was immensely difficult to find legal assistance due to the political suppression of lawyers. In 2022, the Government had forcibly liquidated all trade unions. Six women trade union activists remained in prisons.

At least 139 women were political prisoners in Belarus. They lacked access to healthcare and were persistently ill-treated. Imprisoned women faced forced labour and modern forms of slavery. If women refused to work, they were put in “cages of shame” and forced to stand outside for several hours. Women prisoners earned between five and 10 euros per month and faced harsh penalties for not meeting quotas.

When domestic violence cases were reported to police, police screened the political activities of the victim rather than provide support. Victims and aggressors were invited together to meetings with authorities, promoting impunity.

Women migrants were vulnerable to trafficking and violence. Domestic violence was not a ground for asylum in Belarus.

Luxembourg

No non-governmental organizations spoke on the situation of women in Luxembourg.

Questions by Committee Experts

A Committee Expert said that there were many laws and policies for women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but there was weak implementation. How was the transitional justice policy being implemented for women? Was there a plan to promote the security of women and girls in the Democratic Republic of the Congo?

The Expert shared the non-governmental organizations’ concern regarding the suppression of civil society in Belarus. Were there plans to update the national action plan on human rights in Belarus, and were there plans to establish a national human rights institution?

Another Expert asked about anti-trafficking activities being carried out in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. To what extent were women represented in local governments and decision-making bodies in Nepal?

One Committee Expert asked about financial resources devoted to implementing the national gender equality plan in Nepal. What were areas of concern related to sexual and reproductive health services in Belarus?

A Committee Expert asked about problems regarding access to justice for Dalit women in Nepal. How common was the dowry custom in Nepal? Why was the dowry for younger women and girls lower?

Another Committee Expert asked if the Democratic Republic of the Congo had laws on the accountability of military personnel and contractors involved in violence against women. What social protection system and benefits did Belarus have for women and girls?

One Committee Expert asked about legal provisions that needed to be challenged. What needed to be done to educate girls and society about the harms of the kumari practice in Nepal, which isolated girls from their community?

A Committee Expert called for information on the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s national action plan on the development of the security forces. What action had been taken to dismantle non-governmental armed groups in the east? Was it still possible for non-governmental organizations in Belarus to protect women and interact with the Government?

Responses by Non-Governmental Organizations

Nepal

Responding to questions on Nepal, speakers said there was a very low percentage of women in federal and provincial decision-making bodies in Nepal, and an even lower percentage of Dalit women. There needed to be increased representation of women in these bodies. There were several laws that directly discriminated against women, including laws on legal residences, which considered women and girls’ residences as those of their husbands and fathers. Divorced women lost their property rights. It was prohibited to oppose gender biases in cultural and social practices. Nepal’s laws did not recognise lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex women as minorities; this needed to be done.

In Nepal, the parents of women paid dowries, and less dowry was paid for younger women. Dowry payments were most prevalent in the south of the country. The Criminal Code criminalised this practice, but it still existed.

Sexual and reproductive health education was part of the school curriculum but was no longer a compulsory subject. There were also gaps in sexual and reproductive health legislation, with many marginalised women not able to access sexual and reproductive health services.

Dalit women and other marginalised women could not easily access the justice system. They were not made aware of where and how to access justice and faced violence and discrimination from the police because of their identity.

Belarus

Responding to questions on Belarus, speakers said Belarus’ Gender Equality Council did not include non-governmental organizations working on human rights and gender equality. Belarus’ legislation on incitement to hatred was used to oppress women human rights defenders. One such woman had been imprisoned for seven years under this legislation. Raids, inspections and blocking of websites were tools used by the Government to restrict the activities of civil society organizations.

Statements by National Human Rights Institutions

Democratic Republic of the Congo

GISÈLE KAPINGA NTUMBA, National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said the Democratic Republic of the Congo was going through one of its darkest times in recent history, marked by the invasion of the M23 rebels in the east of the country, which was facing a protracted, violent crisis. Many women and girls had been displaced and were facing heightened risks of sexual violence and rape. The National Human Rights Commission had conducted investigations into sexual violence linked to conflict, engaging with competent institutions to address this problem and combat impunity.

The Commission welcomed that the Government had implemented several measures to protect women and girls from sexual and gender-based violence, including a law criminalising such violence and enshrining access to justice for victims. However, there was still a long way to go until these measures could effectively protect civilians from sexual and gender-based violence. The number of internally displaced persons continued to grow, and there had been many cases of rape reported. There needed to be increased funds to limit the circulation of small arms and light weapons, build new camps, and increase humanitarian aid for internally displaced persons. Care for victims of sexual and gender-based violence needed to be given by trained professionals.

The national fund for compensation for the victims of gender-based violence had helped victims to access care. The Commission also welcomed the organisation of travelling courts to combat impunity. The Government needed to restore peace in the east and take steps to protect civilians from gender-based violence, and provide internally displaced persons with adequate aid. Armed groups needed to respect the rules of international humanitarian law and implement an immediate ceasefire. The international community needed to promote peace by adopting sanctions against M23 and other armed groups.

Luxembourg

LAURA CAROCHA, Human and Social Sciences Expert,Commission consultative des Droits de l’Homme du Grand-Duché de Luxembourg [Consultative Commission of the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg on Human Rights], welcomed the efforts made by Luxembourg to combat discrimination against women since the last report, while noting persistent shortcomings, including a social system that kept women in a subordinate position to men. Luxembourg’s policy favoured a “neutral” approach that was not gender sensitive. Ms. Carocha urged politicians to openly acknowledge this systemic patriarchal domination and to make the deconstruction of this mechanism a priority. To this end, it was imperative that the Government finally implemented the principle of gender mainstreaming in a cross-cutting manner in all its policies.

Luxembourg’s equality efforts lacked an intersectional approach and the Government rarely addressed multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination. Disability was conspicuously absent from the National Action Plan for Equality between Women and Men, while the gender dimension was neglected in the National Action Plan on Disability. It was essential to have detailed data, disaggregated by gender, age, ethnicity, disability and education level, to better understand and address the different forms of discrimination that women faced. The Government also needed to impose concrete actions on companies, municipalities and administrations in terms of gender equality and the fight against discrimination against women.

All actions taken in the fight against discrimination against women needed to be carried out in close collaboration with civil society. This cooperation needed to be translated into lasting partnerships and political will to ensure that the contributions of civil society were seriously considered in the decision-making process.

Ms. Carocha concluded by calling for the recognition of multiple forms of discrimination, and a proactive and participatory response from the Government to gender inequalities rooted in societal dynamics. This meant adopting structural solutions that addressed the root causes of discrimination.

Questions by Committee Experts

A Committee Expert offered condolences to the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including families of civilians who had lost their lives. What did the National Human Rights Commission wish the Committee to highlight in the dialogue with the State party?

Another Committee Expert asked about measures to prevent conflict-related gender-based violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

One Committee Expert asked if humanitarian aid groups were able to access Goma and deliver food, health and menstrual products?

A Committee Expert expressed concern regarding the lack of participation from women’s organizations from Luxembourg in the dialogue. What progress had been made in reforming the Constitution? Was there an initiative to amend the timeframe for authorising abortions in the State? The State party did not publish data broken down by origin. Could data be provided on migrant workers in Luxembourg?

Another Committee Expert asked about Luxembourg’s process for identifying stateless persons.

Responses by National Human Rights Institutions

GISÈLE KAPINGA NTUMBA, National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said that in Goma, people in displacement camps had been bombarded. They had no power and no water, and the Rwandese army was on its way in. The international community needed to assist the Democratic Republic of the Congo in creating humanitarian corridors to assist internally displaced persons fleeing the region. The State had approved laws and measures on preventing sexual violence, but implementing these was a challenge, particularly in regions where the Government did not have control. In the dialogue, the Committee needed to ask the Government to choose diplomacy over other means, as the population was dying for nothing. Those involved in the conflict needed to be prosecuted. The international community needed to condemn the situation in the east and promote diplomacy.

Meeting with the Working Group on Business and Human Rights

Statements

ANDREA ORI, Director, Groups in Focus Section, Human Rights Treaties Branch, United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, said that the meeting would address the nexus between business and human rights, and gender and digital technologies. Cooperation and practices in digital fields needed to not perpetrate discrimination against women. There was room for improvement on measures addressing gender discrimination in the workplace, representation of women in leadership positions, workplace harassment, and labour rights for women. Women were over-represented in low-paying jobs. Stereotypes hindered women’s access to finance and investments, and women had less access to technology and digital services. Today’s discussion would focus on enhancing the promotion and protection of women.

NAHLA HAIDAR, Committee Chairperson, said artificial intelligence and digital technologies had revolutionised everyday life and business practices across sectors in ways that were never envisioned in the past. Strategic, innovative modalities to better safeguard the rights of women and girls called for partnerships, joint approaches and harmonised frameworks. Women needed to be engaged in digital developments from the beginning. States needed to avoid the re-inventing of stereotypes, bias and discrimination and the perpetuation of violence against women through cyber-enabled modalities; safeguard women’s livelihoods and expand economic opportunities in the new digital era for them; and equip women and girls with necessary skills, capacities and tools to contribute to providing digital solutions.

This briefing was anticipated to be the first in a series of collaborative efforts to address substantive issues on women’s economic rights in a digital world based on the provisions of the Convention. Business and human rights principles and the jurisprudence of the Committee and standards could be systematically deployed to uphold and respond to women’s rights protection and economic empowerment, particularly through inclusive digital technologies.

Sadly, gender equality had often been constrained by interpretations outside the text of the Convention, resulting in persistent gender gaps and disparities. Critical partnerships would enable the Committee to explore a collaborative and coordinated approach for bridging digital gender inequalities to create a more inclusive and equitable digital future for women and girls, one that was not only free of all forms of violence but also offered them equal opportunities to access and utilise digital technologies to boost their livelihoods and human capital assets.

LYRA JAKULEVIČIENĖ, Chairperson of the Working Group on Business and Human Rights, said that this year, the Working Group was preparing a report on the use of artificial intelligence in businesses and its human rights impacts. It focused on the deployment of artificial intelligence technologies and procurement by States and businesses, looking at biases and other issues. The use of artificial intelligence and other technologies had many benefits and but also created concerns, including related to gender, and these would be captured in the report. Synergy with the Committee would help both bodies to advance their agendas and strengthen the global protection of human rights, particularly for vulnerable women and girls.

ESTHER EGHOBAMIEN-MSHELIA, Committee Expert, said 300 million fewer women than men had access to mobile internet globally. Although about a third of small and medium enterprises were owned by women, women were under-represented in discussions on the global value chain. States needed to focus on the energy transition and artificial intelligence technologies, as if they did not address issues in these fields, the gender gaps would widen.

FERNANDA HOPENHAYM, Gender Focal Point of the Working Group on Business and Human Rights, said the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights had a cross-cutting gender perspective, and this needed to be addressed by States and businesses. The Guiding Principles said that States needed to include a gender perspective in all policies on business and human rights. It also called on businesses to respect human rights and to implement measures promoting diversity and inclusion. Women needed to be able to access remedies in cases in which their rights were violated. Technologies needed to be gender sensitive, responsive and transformative.

Panel Discussion

In the ensuing discussion, speakers, among other things, said women faced many barriers to accessing the labour market; these needed to be addressed. Countries needed to change company cultures to address discrimination against women employees, and promote diversity and family-friendly policies. Businesses needed to consider documents outlining the rights of women and girls, such as the Convention, and use tools to assess the effectiveness of gender equality measures. They also needed to create an enabling environment for women. Another key requirement was to conduct human rights due diligence with a gender lens.

Some speakers expressed concerns related to discrimination against women in the technology sector. Many companies lacked a gender lens when assessing their value chains and were not carrying out gender-related due diligence. There was evidence of disproportionate harm to non-binary women and the targeting of women human rights defenders online. Companies were actively amplifying gender biases. The Committee and the Working Group needed to work with civil society and to call out companies by name when they violated human rights. They also needed to promote corporate accountability and prevent regression.

Speakers presented measures to change cultural mindsets to support women to succeed professionally; to promote a healthy work-life balance for women; to raise awareness of women’s rights among businesses; and to develop rules and tools to protect women and girls on social media platforms.

Some speakers said technology could allow for greater access to education for women and girls, so women needed increased access to it. One speaker said girls had less opportunities to study in fields such as programming and robotics. With simple reforms and measures encouraging participation, more and more women and girls would choose information technology as a profession, they said.

Some speakers expressed concerns that artificial intelligence technology was not sufficiently regulated. It was possible for artificial intelligence systems to learn and reproduce societal biases and there were also privacy concerns regarding the data that these systems used. One speaker presented efforts to eliminate biases in artificial intelligence systems and to develop tools to ensure that such systems respected human rights.

One speaker called for respect for women’s rights in the energy transition. Women had strong roles to play in preventing child labour in the energy sector and supporting children’s access to education. Businesses needed to ensure women’s experiences were incorporated in energy transition programmes, and to finance science, technology, engineering and maths education programmes for women, speakers said.

Civil Society Organizations Brief the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women on the Situation of Women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

GENEVA, Switzerland, February 4, 2025/APO Group/ —

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women was this afternoon briefed by representatives of civil society organizations on the situation of women’s rights in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg, the reports of which the Committee will review this week.

In relation to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, speakers raised concerns regarding gender-based violence and abuse of internally displaced women and girls in the context of the escalating conflict, and the impact of the withdrawal of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

On Nepal, speakers addressed discrimination against vulnerable women, including indigenous women and girls, lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex women, and women sex workers; anti-discrimination legislation; and the participation of women in political processes.

Non-governmental organizations speaking on Belarus raised topics including the dissolution of civil society organizations, imprisonment of women human rights defenders, and barriers to access to justice for women.

Regarding Luxembourg, a speaker raised issues related to a lack of gender sensitive policies and measures to address intersecting forms of discrimination, and the subordination of women through the social system.

The National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo spoke on the country, as did the following non-governmental organizations: Centre for Migration, Gender, and Justice; Groupe d’Action pour les Droits de la Femme; and SAVIE ASBL LGBT.

Regarding Nepal, the following non-governmental organizations spoke: Forum for Women, Law and Development; Feminist Dalit Organization; Nepal Indigenous Women Federation; Sex Workers and Allies South Asia and Team; Campaign for Change, Mitini Nepal, and Intersex Asia; and Visible Impact.

The following non-governmental organizations spoke on Belarus: Belarusian Helsinki Committee; Human Constanta; Belarusian Congress of Democratic Trade Unions; Coalition against gender-based and domestic violence; and Our House.

A representative of the Consultative Commission of the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg on Human Rights spoke on Luxembourg.

The Committee also held an informal meeting with the Working Group on Business and Human Rights and representatives from civil society and the business sector on “increasing the bottom line through smart, gender-inclusive, rights-focused approaches in digitisation.”

Opening the meeting, Nahla Haidar, the newly elected Committee Chairperson, said artificial intelligence and digital technologies had revolutionised everyday life and business practices across sectors in ways that were never envisioned in the past. She called for action to prevent bias and discrimination against women through cyber-enabled modalities; expand women’s economic opportunities in the new digital era; and equip women and girls with necessary skills, capacities and tools to contribute to providing digital solutions.

In the meeting, speakers discussed topics such as measures to prevent discrimination of women in the private sector, and particularly in the field of technology; measures to promote access to science, technology, engineering and maths education for women; measures to address the impacts of artificial intelligence on women; and measures to protect women’s rights in the energy transition era.

Committee Experts and members of the Working Group spoke in the meeting, as did representatives of the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the World Trade Organization, and various private sector and civil society organizations.

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women’s ninetieth session is being held from 3 to 21 February. All documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage. Meeting summary releases can be found here. The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

The Committee will next meet in public at 10 a.m. on Tuesday, 4 February to consider the report of the Democratic Republic of the Congo submitted under the exceptional reporting procedure (CEDAW/C/COD/EP/1).

Opening Remarks by the Committee Chair

NAHLA HAIDAR, Committee Chairperson, said that during each session, the Committee invited national and international non-governmental organizations to informal public meetings to provide specific information on the States parties that were scheduled for consideration by the Committee. She welcomed the representatives of non-governmental organizations and national human rights institutions that had come to provide information on the States parties whose reports were being considered this week: Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal, Belarus and Luxembourg.

Statements by Non-Governmental Organizations from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nepal and Belarus

Democratic Republic of the Congo

On the Democratic Republic of the Congo, speakers, among other things, said violence against displaced persons was on the rise in the State. Gender-based violence, specifically, was rampant, leaving survivors with limited access to justice. Displaced women had a lack of access to reproductive health care and were giving birth in unsafe conditions. The economic struggles that displaced women and girls faced were equally alarming. With scarce income opportunities, many were driven to survival sex, which exposed them to sexual exploitation and abuse.

The withdrawal of the United Nations Organization Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo raised real concerns. Plans from national authorities to take on the responsibilities of the Mission remained lacking. Armed militias and members of the security forces continued to abuse women with impunity. There were also “tolerance houses” where internally displaced women and girls were sexually abused. Justice remained inaccessible for most survivors.

Speakers called on the Government to bolster administrative capacities; ensure the transfer of United Nations facilities to the armed forces; investigate “tolerance houses” and hold perpetrators of gender-based violence criminally liable; control the spread of weapons; and ensure justice and dignity for all women in the State. Speakers also called for a national migration strategy that was gender-responsive; mechanisms for gender-based violence prevention, mitigation, and response; provision of health services and resources, especially with regards to maternity health, that connected to related concerns such as food insecurity and nutrition; and programmes to expand livelihood provisions that supported displaced women and girls.

Nepal

Speakers said Nepal had yet to enact a robust anti-discrimination law, making women more vulnerable to abuse. There was a need to criminalise discrimination against women and eliminate all discriminatory legal provisions against them. The State party also needed to allocate sufficient human and financial resources to public bodies working on women’s rights. Appropriate support needed to be provided to women victims of violence.

Fifteen per cent of Nepal’s population of women faced multiple forms of discrimination; many women faced social exclusion and violence. Some girls did not report crimes due to a lack of trust in the justice system.

Nepal needed to amend the Constitution to address historical discrimination of indigenous women and to recognise the customary laws of indigenous people. The Government needed to amend the act on the rights of persons with disabilities to address the rights of indigenous women with disabilities. Access to justice needed to be promoted for indigenous women and women with disabilities.

Nepal had failed to ratify the Palermo Protocol, and human trafficking and sex work were treated as the same in the country. Sex workers faced various forms of discrimination and violence. Nepal’s legislation had a direct impact on sex workers’ access to citizenship. Legislation on trafficking in persons needed to be amended to differentiate between trafficking and sex work. The Government also needed to facilitate sex workers’ access to citizenship and promote awareness raising campaigns on the rights of sex workers.

Lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex girls faced harmful treatment and violence, and systematic discrimination in education and healthcare in Nepal, and the Government had failed to act in response. The Government needed to ensure such women could access single women’s allowances, redefine marriage to include gender-free terminology, and support this group’s access to rights.

Education on sexual and reproductive health remained optional and inadequate in Nepal. It needed to be made compulsory. Legislation needed to be amended to fully decriminalise abortion, particularly abortions in cases of rape. The State also needed to amend legislation to include sexual and reproductive health and rights and sensitise health care providers and community members on safe births. It further needed to decriminalise sexual relations between consenting adolescents under the age of 18.

The meaningful participation of women in political processes was lacking; many women politicians faced violence. Nepal needed to investigate historic violence against marginalised women, collect disaggregated data on women, enhance women’s leadership capacities, take measures to eliminate discrimination against marginalised women and girls, and provide quality health services to all women and girls, particularly indigenous women, at a minimal cost.

Belarus

Speakers on Belarus said the Constitution did not provide effective protection against discrimination. Women’s rights to education and health care were limited. Belarus had institutionalised discriminatory food provisions; women and girls were not able to access fruit and nuts, leading to long-term health risks.

Access to justice for women was undermined by the persistent persecution of women human rights defenders. Women activists had been falsely labelled as terrorists despite their peaceful actions. The State had systematically dissolved various civil society organizations, including many that supported women. Almost 2,000 non-governmental organizations had been forced to liquidate. All women’s organizations that had prepared shadow reports to the Committee for the last review had been liquidated. It was immensely difficult to find legal assistance due to the political suppression of lawyers. In 2022, the Government had forcibly liquidated all trade unions. Six women trade union activists remained in prisons.

At least 139 women were political prisoners in Belarus. They lacked access to healthcare and were persistently ill-treated. Imprisoned women faced forced labour and modern forms of slavery. If women refused to work, they were put in “cages of shame” and forced to stand outside for several hours. Women prisoners earned between five and 10 euros per month and faced harsh penalties for not meeting quotas.

When domestic violence cases were reported to police, police screened the political activities of the victim rather than provide support. Victims and aggressors were invited together to meetings with authorities, promoting impunity.

Women migrants were vulnerable to trafficking and violence. Domestic violence was not a ground for asylum in Belarus.

Luxembourg

No non-governmental organizations spoke on the situation of women in Luxembourg.

Questions by Committee Experts

A Committee Expert said that there were many laws and policies for women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but there was weak implementation. How was the transitional justice policy being implemented for women? Was there a plan to promote the security of women and girls in the Democratic Republic of the Congo?

The Expert shared the non-governmental organizations’ concern regarding the suppression of civil society in Belarus. Were there plans to update the national action plan on human rights in Belarus, and were there plans to establish a national human rights institution?

Another Expert asked about anti-trafficking activities being carried out in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. To what extent were women represented in local governments and decision-making bodies in Nepal?

One Committee Expert asked about financial resources devoted to implementing the national gender equality plan in Nepal. What were areas of concern related to sexual and reproductive health services in Belarus?

A Committee Expert asked about problems regarding access to justice for Dalit women in Nepal. How common was the dowry custom in Nepal? Why was the dowry for younger women and girls lower?

Another Committee Expert asked if the Democratic Republic of the Congo had laws on the accountability of military personnel and contractors involved in violence against women. What social protection system and benefits did Belarus have for women and girls?

One Committee Expert asked about legal provisions that needed to be challenged. What needed to be done to educate girls and society about the harms of the kumari practice in Nepal, which isolated girls from their community?

A Committee Expert called for information on the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s national action plan on the development of the security forces. What action had been taken to dismantle non-governmental armed groups in the east? Was it still possible for non-governmental organizations in Belarus to protect women and interact with the Government?

Responses by Non-Governmental Organizations

Nepal

Responding to questions on Nepal, speakers said there was a very low percentage of women in federal and provincial decision-making bodies in Nepal, and an even lower percentage of Dalit women. There needed to be increased representation of women in these bodies. There were several laws that directly discriminated against women, including laws on legal residences, which considered women and girls’ residences as those of their husbands and fathers. Divorced women lost their property rights. It was prohibited to oppose gender biases in cultural and social practices. Nepal’s laws did not recognise lesbian, bisexual, transgender and intersex women as minorities; this needed to be done.

In Nepal, the parents of women paid dowries, and less dowry was paid for younger women. Dowry payments were most prevalent in the south of the country. The Criminal Code criminalised this practice, but it still existed.

Sexual and reproductive health education was part of the school curriculum but was no longer a compulsory subject. There were also gaps in sexual and reproductive health legislation, with many marginalised women not able to access sexual and reproductive health services.

Dalit women and other marginalised women could not easily access the justice system. They were not made aware of where and how to access justice and faced violence and discrimination from the police because of their identity.

Belarus

Responding to questions on Belarus, speakers said Belarus’ Gender Equality Council did not include non-governmental organizations working on human rights and gender equality. Belarus’ legislation on incitement to hatred was used to oppress women human rights defenders. One such woman had been imprisoned for seven years under this legislation. Raids, inspections and blocking of websites were tools used by the Government to restrict the activities of civil society organizations.

Statements by National Human Rights Institutions

Democratic Republic of the Congo

GISÈLE KAPINGA NTUMBA, National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said the Democratic Republic of the Congo was going through one of its darkest times in recent history, marked by the invasion of the M23 rebels in the east of the country, which was facing a protracted, violent crisis. Many women and girls had been displaced and were facing heightened risks of sexual violence and rape. The National Human Rights Commission had conducted investigations into sexual violence linked to conflict, engaging with competent institutions to address this problem and combat impunity.

The Commission welcomed that the Government had implemented several measures to protect women and girls from sexual and gender-based violence, including a law criminalising such violence and enshrining access to justice for victims. However, there was still a long way to go until these measures could effectively protect civilians from sexual and gender-based violence. The number of internally displaced persons continued to grow, and there had been many cases of rape reported. There needed to be increased funds to limit the circulation of small arms and light weapons, build new camps, and increase humanitarian aid for internally displaced persons. Care for victims of sexual and gender-based violence needed to be given by trained professionals.

The national fund for compensation for the victims of gender-based violence had helped victims to access care. The Commission also welcomed the organisation of travelling courts to combat impunity. The Government needed to restore peace in the east and take steps to protect civilians from gender-based violence, and provide internally displaced persons with adequate aid. Armed groups needed to respect the rules of international humanitarian law and implement an immediate ceasefire. The international community needed to promote peace by adopting sanctions against M23 and other armed groups.

Luxembourg

LAURA CAROCHA, Human and Social Sciences Expert,Commission consultative des Droits de l’Homme du Grand-Duché de Luxembourg [Consultative Commission of the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg on Human Rights], welcomed the efforts made by Luxembourg to combat discrimination against women since the last report, while noting persistent shortcomings, including a social system that kept women in a subordinate position to men. Luxembourg’s policy favoured a “neutral” approach that was not gender sensitive. Ms. Carocha urged politicians to openly acknowledge this systemic patriarchal domination and to make the deconstruction of this mechanism a priority. To this end, it was imperative that the Government finally implemented the principle of gender mainstreaming in a cross-cutting manner in all its policies.

Luxembourg’s equality efforts lacked an intersectional approach and the Government rarely addressed multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination. Disability was conspicuously absent from the National Action Plan for Equality between Women and Men, while the gender dimension was neglected in the National Action Plan on Disability. It was essential to have detailed data, disaggregated by gender, age, ethnicity, disability and education level, to better understand and address the different forms of discrimination that women faced. The Government also needed to impose concrete actions on companies, municipalities and administrations in terms of gender equality and the fight against discrimination against women.

All actions taken in the fight against discrimination against women needed to be carried out in close collaboration with civil society. This cooperation needed to be translated into lasting partnerships and political will to ensure that the contributions of civil society were seriously considered in the decision-making process.

Ms. Carocha concluded by calling for the recognition of multiple forms of discrimination, and a proactive and participatory response from the Government to gender inequalities rooted in societal dynamics. This meant adopting structural solutions that addressed the root causes of discrimination.

Questions by Committee Experts

A Committee Expert offered condolences to the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including families of civilians who had lost their lives. What did the National Human Rights Commission wish the Committee to highlight in the dialogue with the State party?

Another Committee Expert asked about measures to prevent conflict-related gender-based violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

One Committee Expert asked if humanitarian aid groups were able to access Goma and deliver food, health and menstrual products?

A Committee Expert expressed concern regarding the lack of participation from women’s organizations from Luxembourg in the dialogue. What progress had been made in reforming the Constitution? Was there an initiative to amend the timeframe for authorising abortions in the State? The State party did not publish data broken down by origin. Could data be provided on migrant workers in Luxembourg?

Another Committee Expert asked about Luxembourg’s process for identifying stateless persons.

Responses by National Human Rights Institutions

GISÈLE KAPINGA NTUMBA, National Human Rights Commissioner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said that in Goma, people in displacement camps had been bombarded. They had no power and no water, and the Rwandese army was on its way in. The international community needed to assist the Democratic Republic of the Congo in creating humanitarian corridors to assist internally displaced persons fleeing the region. The State had approved laws and measures on preventing sexual violence, but implementing these was a challenge, particularly in regions where the Government did not have control. In the dialogue, the Committee needed to ask the Government to choose diplomacy over other means, as the population was dying for nothing. Those involved in the conflict needed to be prosecuted. The international community needed to condemn the situation in the east and promote diplomacy.

Meeting with the Working Group on Business and Human Rights

Statements

ANDREA ORI, Director, Groups in Focus Section, Human Rights Treaties Branch, United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, said that the meeting would address the nexus between business and human rights, and gender and digital technologies. Cooperation and practices in digital fields needed to not perpetrate discrimination against women. There was room for improvement on measures addressing gender discrimination in the workplace, representation of women in leadership positions, workplace harassment, and labour rights for women. Women were over-represented in low-paying jobs. Stereotypes hindered women’s access to finance and investments, and women had less access to technology and digital services. Today’s discussion would focus on enhancing the promotion and protection of women.

NAHLA HAIDAR, Committee Chairperson, said artificial intelligence and digital technologies had revolutionised everyday life and business practices across sectors in ways that were never envisioned in the past. Strategic, innovative modalities to better safeguard the rights of women and girls called for partnerships, joint approaches and harmonised frameworks. Women needed to be engaged in digital developments from the beginning. States needed to avoid the re-inventing of stereotypes, bias and discrimination and the perpetuation of violence against women through cyber-enabled modalities; safeguard women’s livelihoods and expand economic opportunities in the new digital era for them; and equip women and girls with necessary skills, capacities and tools to contribute to providing digital solutions.

This briefing was anticipated to be the first in a series of collaborative efforts to address substantive issues on women’s economic rights in a digital world based on the provisions of the Convention. Business and human rights principles and the jurisprudence of the Committee and standards could be systematically deployed to uphold and respond to women’s rights protection and economic empowerment, particularly through inclusive digital technologies.

Sadly, gender equality had often been constrained by interpretations outside the text of the Convention, resulting in persistent gender gaps and disparities. Critical partnerships would enable the Committee to explore a collaborative and coordinated approach for bridging digital gender inequalities to create a more inclusive and equitable digital future for women and girls, one that was not only free of all forms of violence but also offered them equal opportunities to access and utilise digital technologies to boost their livelihoods and human capital assets.

LYRA JAKULEVIČIENĖ, Chairperson of the Working Group on Business and Human Rights, said that this year, the Working Group was preparing a report on the use of artificial intelligence in businesses and its human rights impacts. It focused on the deployment of artificial intelligence technologies and procurement by States and businesses, looking at biases and other issues. The use of artificial intelligence and other technologies had many benefits and but also created concerns, including related to gender, and these would be captured in the report. Synergy with the Committee would help both bodies to advance their agendas and strengthen the global protection of human rights, particularly for vulnerable women and girls.

ESTHER EGHOBAMIEN-MSHELIA, Committee Expert, said 300 million fewer women than men had access to mobile internet globally. Although about a third of small and medium enterprises were owned by women, women were under-represented in discussions on the global value chain. States needed to focus on the energy transition and artificial intelligence technologies, as if they did not address issues in these fields, the gender gaps would widen.

FERNANDA HOPENHAYM, Gender Focal Point of the Working Group on Business and Human Rights, said the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights had a cross-cutting gender perspective, and this needed to be addressed by States and businesses. The Guiding Principles said that States needed to include a gender perspective in all policies on business and human rights. It also called on businesses to respect human rights and to implement measures promoting diversity and inclusion. Women needed to be able to access remedies in cases in which their rights were violated. Technologies needed to be gender sensitive, responsive and transformative.

Panel Discussion

In the ensuing discussion, speakers, among other things, said women faced many barriers to accessing the labour market; these needed to be addressed. Countries needed to change company cultures to address discrimination against women employees, and promote diversity and family-friendly policies. Businesses needed to consider documents outlining the rights of women and girls, such as the Convention, and use tools to assess the effectiveness of gender equality measures. They also needed to create an enabling environment for women. Another key requirement was to conduct human rights due diligence with a gender lens.

Some speakers expressed concerns related to discrimination against women in the technology sector. Many companies lacked a gender lens when assessing their value chains and were not carrying out gender-related due diligence. There was evidence of disproportionate harm to non-binary women and the targeting of women human rights defenders online. Companies were actively amplifying gender biases. The Committee and the Working Group needed to work with civil society and to call out companies by name when they violated human rights. They also needed to promote corporate accountability and prevent regression.

Speakers presented measures to change cultural mindsets to support women to succeed professionally; to promote a healthy work-life balance for women; to raise awareness of women’s rights among businesses; and to develop rules and tools to protect women and girls on social media platforms.

Some speakers said technology could allow for greater access to education for women and girls, so women needed increased access to it. One speaker said girls had less opportunities to study in fields such as programming and robotics. With simple reforms and measures encouraging participation, more and more women and girls would choose information technology as a profession, they said.

Some speakers expressed concerns that artificial intelligence technology was not sufficiently regulated. It was possible for artificial intelligence systems to learn and reproduce societal biases and there were also privacy concerns regarding the data that these systems used. One speaker presented efforts to eliminate biases in artificial intelligence systems and to develop tools to ensure that such systems respected human rights.

One speaker called for respect for women’s rights in the energy transition. Women had strong roles to play in preventing child labour in the energy sector and supporting children’s access to education. Businesses needed to ensure women’s experiences were incorporated in energy transition programmes, and to finance science, technology, engineering and maths education programmes for women, speakers said.

Groundbreaking Ebola vaccination trial launches today in Uganda

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

GENEVA, Switzerland, February 4, 2025/APO Group/ —

In a global first, Uganda’s Ministry of Health, the World Health Organization (WHO) and other partners today launched a first ever vaccine trial for Ebola from the Sudan species of the virus, and at an unprecedented speed for a randomized vaccine trial in an emergency.

The principal investigators from Makerere University and the Uganda Virus Research Institute (UVRI), with support from WHO and other partners, have worked tirelessly to get the trial ready in 4 days since the outbreak was confirmed on 30 January. It is the first trial to assess the clinical efficacy of a vaccine against Ebola disease due to Sudan virus. The speed was achieved through advanced research preparedness, while ensuring full compliance with national and international regulatory and ethical requirements.

The candidate vaccine was donated by IAVI, with financial support from WHO, the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI), Canada’s International Development Research Centre (IDRC), and the European Commission’s Health Emergency Preparedness and Response Authority (HERA) and support from the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC).

“This is a critical achievement towards better pandemic preparedness, and saving lives when outbreaks occur,” said Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO’s Director-General.  “This is possible because of the dedication of Uganda’s health workers, the involvement of communities, the Ministry of Health of Uganda, Makerere University and UVRI, and research efforts led by WHO involving hundreds of scientists through our research and development Filoviruses network. We thank our partners for their dedication and cooperation, from IAVI for donating the vaccine, to CEPI, EU HERA and Canada’s IDRC for funding, and Africa CDC for further support. This massive achievement would simply not be possible without them.”

In 2022, during the previous outbreak of Ebola disease (also from the Sudan species of the virus) in Uganda, a randomized protocol for candidate vaccines was developed. Principal investigators were designated under the leadership of the Minister of Health, and teams were trained to allow such a trial to take place during an active outbreak.

The randomized vaccine trial to assess the recombinant vesicular stomatitis virus (rVSV) candidate vaccine was launched at a ceremony in Kampala today by the Minister of Health of Uganda. WHO is co-sponsoring the trial. WHO was represented by Dr Mike Ryan, Executive Director of WHO’s Health Emergencies Programme and Deputy Director-General, and the WHO representative to Uganda Dr Kasonde Mwinga, along with other colleagues.

Three vaccination rings were defined today. The first ring involves about 40 contacts and contacts of contacts of the first reported and confirmed case, a health worker who has died.

Although several promising candidate medical countermeasures are progressing through clinical development, as of now, there is no licensed vaccine available to effectively combat a potential future outbreak of Ebola disease from the Sudan species of the virus. Licensed vaccines exist only for the disease caused by Ebola virus, formerly known as Zaïre ebolavirus. Likewise for treatments, approved treatments are only available for Ebola virus.

The vaccine for the trial was recommended by the independent WHO candidate vaccine prioritization working group. If the candidate vaccine is effective, it can contribute to controlling this outbreak and generate data for vaccine licensure.

In 2022, the research teams were trained in good clinical practice (GCP) and standard operating procedures for such trials. They completed refresher training in recent days. WHO colleagues experienced in trials and in ring vaccination arrived in Uganda over the weekend to support the trial implementation and GCP compliance.

The vaccine doses were pre-positioned in the country. WHO worked with the principal investigators and national authorities and the vaccine developer to review cold chain documentation and ensure the doses were stored correctly over the previous years. As part of the signed agreement with the Ministry of Health, WHO has a signed agreement with IAVI for additional doses of the candidate vaccine to be made available shortly.

Kinshasa’s traffic cops run an extortion scheme generating five times more revenue than fines

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Raúl Sanchez de la Sierra, Assistant Professor, University of Chicago

Commuting in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, presents challenges for its 17 million residents. Massive traffic jams and unsafe driving cause chaos on the roads, leading to long delays.

The chaos has become a pressing concern for residents. Reaching Gombe, Kinshasa’s central business district, for instance, can take up to five hours from surrounding neighbourhoods.

When he came to power in January 2019, President Felix Tshisekedi promised to combat Kinshasa’s traffic chaos by targeting road infrastructure. This included constructing an interchange and flyover. One-way traffic was introduced on certain streets. These have had little effect. Kinshasa’s traffic issues persist.

While congestion in the capital is usually blamed on poor infrastructure, there are some harder-to-see causes. As social science researchers, we set out to understand what institutional factors might be behind the city’s gridlock.

In a recent paper, we analysed an illegal revenue-generating scheme inside Kinshasa’s traffic police agency involving a coalition of traffic police agents, their managers and judicial officers. We studied the role this scheme plays in the city’s traffic conditions.

Under the scheme, known as the quota system, station managers (police commanders) assign street agents a daily quota of drivers to escort to the station, often based on fabricated allegations.

Our findings and analysis provide insights into how the quota system causes traffic jams and accidents, undermining the police agency’s mandate of traffic regulation. We also detail how corruption operates as a coordinated system rather than as isolated acts of individual misconduct.

The problem

Like many traffic police agencies worldwide, Kinshasa’s traffic police are tasked with managing key intersections and enforcing traffic rules.

Similar to many other civil servants in the Democratic Republic of Congo, police officers earn meagre salaries – around US$70 monthly. Anecdotal observation suggests that the police service lacks funds for basic necessities such as fuel or communication costs. Low resources have contributed to police officers extracting funds from drivers, partly for personal profit, partly to cover the costs for their police work.

A major way in which this is done is through a specific scheme involving traffic police agents. We found that station managers assign different street agents a daily quota of drivers to bring to the station.

To meet this quota, agents often use brute force and have the discretion to invent infractions that they report at the police station. The dilapidated state of most cars in Kinshasa helps police officers with this task.

At the station, agents pass the allegations to judicial officers, who have the power to issue charges – or demand bribes so drivers avoid formal penalties. Many drivers try to avoid this extortion by developing relationships with influential protectors. These are people who can intervene on a driver’s behalf and are often high-placed security officers or politicians.

Our research

After three years of qualitative fieldwork, we built trust with a large number of individuals inside and around the traffic police agency. This enabled us to design data collection systems in 2015 to study the traffic police agency’s practices.

We relied on the cooperation of 160 individuals and generated the following data:

  • direct observations of over 13,000 interactions between officers and drivers at intersections

  • station records of 1,255 escorted vehicles, including bribe negotiations and outcomes

  • traffic flow and accident data from 6,399 hourly observations.

To quantify the cost of this scheme on public service, we added an experiment: we collaborated with police commanders to reduce the daily quotas for some teams and days.

We encouraged commanders to temporarily cut their teams’ quotas in half. Reducing quotas could be expected to lower corruption demands on agents, reducing corruption overall. It would also enable agents to focus more of their time on managing traffic – an outcome later confirmed by our findings.

To ensure this approach worked, we compensated commanders for the private income losses they would experience due to the quota reduction, which we carefully estimated before implementing the study. This compensation is not unlike traditional anti-corruption incentives routinely used across the world, except that rather than it being targeted at street-level agents, it targeted the node of this particular scheme: the police commanders.

What we found

  1. The scheme generates large illicit revenue. The traffic police agency’s real revenue is five times larger than its official income from fines. We found that 68% of the illicit revenue generated through the quota scheme came from bribes paid by drivers after they’d been escorted to the station. The rest of the illicit revenue comes from street-level bribes outside of this quota scheme.

  2. The revenue raised relies on extortion at police stations. Judicial police officers had the power to threaten to issue arbitrary charges. We found that, first, 82% of the allegations were unverifiable by third parties. Second, the amount raised in station bribes was strongly linked to whether a driver was able to call a powerful “protector”.

  3. Extortion in police stations relies on the street agents’ power to arbitrarily escort drivers. These agents use their discretion to fabricate allegations and/or physical force to bring drivers to the station. When a driver was not seen making an infraction, force was more likely to be used.

Overall, this means that the scheme hinged on a coalition of managers, agents and judicial officers.

Through the reduction in the quota scheme levels, our scheme also revealed some social costs of this scheme. We found two important results.

Worse traffic: the quota scheme was accountable for a significant share of traffic jams and accidents observed at street intersections from where the agents operate. Partly through their induced absence and partly through their behaviour, the police officers also create numerous traffic jams and accidents. While this is suggestive rather than conclusive, our estimates suggest that 40% of traffic jams at the main intersections of the city are due to the scheme.

Diluted incentives to respect the law: the scheme made it less likely that drivers would respect the law. They could be escorted to a police station regardless of whether they complied with the traffic code.

Why the findings matter

Our study, which provides rare, detailed evidence of how corruption operates, has three policy implications.

  1. Target officials’ managers, rather than the officials themselves. Visible corruption is only the tip of the iceberg, and hinges on relationships of power and coalitions inside the state.

  2. Limit the discretion of judicial officers to charge the public, or that of agents to escort drivers to police stations arbitrarily.

  3. Incentivise “good” corruption. Encouraging station officials to take a significant share of fines for genuine infractions could give agents an incentive to escort drivers who actually break traffic rules. However, the trade-offs between traffic flow, safety and compliance must be carefully weighed, as quotas tied to fines could worsen congestion.

– Kinshasa’s traffic cops run an extortion scheme generating five times more revenue than fines
– https://theconversation.com/kinshasas-traffic-cops-run-an-extortion-scheme-generating-five-times-more-revenue-than-fines-246786

Former Africa Finance Corporation (AFC) Executive Board Member Sanjeev ‘SG’ Gupta, Joins APO Group as Senior Advisor to the Founder and Chairman

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

JOHANNESBURG, South Africa, February 3, 2025/APO Group/ —

APO Group (www.APO-opa.com), the award-winning pan-African communications consultancy and press release distribution service, is pleased to announce the appointment of Sanjeev SG Gupta as Senior Advisor to its Founder and Chairman, Nicolas Pompigne-Mognard (www.Pompigne-Mognard.com). In this role, Mr Gupta will assist APO Group in guiding African governments and corporations to harness the power of public relations and strategic communication to attract vital investments, amplify their competitive advantages, and unlock their growth potential. His experience will be invaluable in developing compelling and globally resonant narratives that not only highlight the unique opportunities but also inspire investor confidence and foster an environment primed for sustainable growth.

This strategic relationship highlights APO Group’s commitment to furthering its impact on the African continent by empowering African governments and the private sector to create coherent branding and communication strategies that is recognised internationally as a balanced and constructive argument on African realities and opportunities.

Gupta brings over three decades of distinguished experience in finance and investment, particularly within African markets. As the former Executive Director of Financial Services at the Africa Finance Corporation (AFC), a leading pan-African multilateral development finance institution, Gupta played a pivotal role in shaping Africa’s infrastructure and economic development landscape. During his tenure, AFC raised well over USD 10 billion from diverse funding sources and maintained an A3 investment-grade credit rating during what has been another decade of extreme turbulence and an enhanced risk environment for the continent. The Treasury team under his guidance was named “Best Supranational Treasury & Funding Team of the Year”. 

Mr Gupta has been a vocal advocate for integrating climate considerations into investment decisions, promoting sustainable development, and through his academic interests has nurtured young professionals globally to understand and appreciate the African relevance to global challenges better. 

A powerful orator and a passionate campaigner for a fair role for Africa on the global stage, he has been particularly successful in structuring significant investment flows into Africa along with African domestic capital to provide equitable returns to both private and public investors on transformational projects on the continent. 

Gupta has consistently highlighted that unlocking Africa’s demographic dividend is a vital priority, alongside the need for the continent to firmly establish itself as a leading source of solutions to critical global challenges.  

Nicolas Pompigne-Mognard, Founder and Chairman of APO Group, said: “Sanjeev’s extensive experience and visionary leadership in African finance are truly unique as we seek to work together to amplify the continent’s stories on the global stage. His expertise and extensive network will be instrumental in advancing APO Group’s mission to promote positive and impactful narratives about Africa.” 

Speaking on his new role, Gupta stated: “I am delighted to join APO Group and collaborate with Nicolas and his exceptional team. APO Group’s dedication to showcasing Africa’s potential resonates deeply with my own commitment to fostering sustainable development and investment across the continent. I look forward to contributing to APO Group’s efforts to ensure Africa is heard and accurately understood by all relevant stakeholders, so that both the African voice and the critical role it must play in building a better world are fully embraced and acted upon”. 

Sudan war: ethnic divisions are being used to cover up army failures – peace scholar

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Jan Pospisil, Associate Professor at the Centre for Peace and Security, Coventry University

Sudan’s civil war has devastated the country and strained relations with neighbouring South Sudan. Events in January 2025 have stirred up xenophobic feelings in Sudan and outrage in its southern neighbour, heightening the risk of regional instability.

Early in the year, the Sudanese Armed Forces captured Wad Madani, a town in Sudan’s central Al Gazira state. The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces had seized control of the town at the start of Sudan’s civil war in April 2023.

In the days following the army’s takeover of Wad Madani, various images and videos surfaced online. They showed brutal reprisals from the soldiers, including systemic killings and torture. Some of these acts were ethnically targeted against South Sudanese workers employed in the region’s agricultural schemes.

These images sparked outrage in South Sudan. This led to anti-Sudanese riots in the capital Juba and other cities on 16 January 2025, resulting in fatalities, injuries and widespread looting.

The Sudanese army formed a committee to investigate the attacks in Wad Madani. The credibility of these investigation is questionable, however, given that the committee is composed of army loyalists.

Further hurting the investigation’s credibility was a statement a few days later from the army’s second-in-command, Mohamed al-Atta, alleging that South Sudanese fighters constitute 65% of the Rapid Support Forces.

These events have strained relations between Sudan and South Sudan, compounding an already volatile association.

They also highlight a war strategy the Sudanese army is pursuing to gain domestic support: that the Rapid Support Forces is primarily composed of foreigners, in this case, South Sudanese fighters.


Read more: War in Sudan puts South Sudan in danger too: the world’s youngest nation needs a stable neighbour


This rhetoric has been fuelled by historical tensions between Sudan and South Sudan arising from the liberation war and the latter’s subsequent independence. South Sudan’s independence resulted in the loss of valuable oil resources for Sudan.

Further, the narrative that the Rapid Support Forces largely comprises foreign fighters – helpfully for the army – feeds and taps into nationalistic and xenophobic sentiments in Sudan. These sentiments date back to the post-independence efforts of the ruling elite to establish an Islamic and Arab state. This marginalised smaller ethnic groups.

The army’s rhetoric is further supported by the overlap of tribal and ethnic affiliations across Sudan’s borders, including South Sudan and Chad. There are also the numerous reports of the paramilitary group receiving support from foreign players like the United Arab Emirates.

I have studied transition processes and conflict dynamics in Sudan and South Sudan for more than 15 years. In my view, the army has used the narrative that the Rapid Support Forces is a foreign one to rally domestic support – and distract attention from its own actions and failures.

The strategy

The leadership of the Sudanese Armed Forces has frequently emphasised the Rizeigat origins of the paramilitary forces’ leader, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, or Hemedti.

The Rizeigat tribe spans both the Darfur and Chad border. This has supported claims that the Rapid Support Forces includes Chadians. Reports of the paramilitary group recruiting in Chad and the presence of Chadian militants in Khartoum have further reinforced this portrayal.

When it comes to South Sudanese involvement, there is documented evidence of South Sudanese fighters participating in the Sudan conflict. However, the scale of their involvement is grossly overstated. Even the highest estimates from my research contacts suggest fewer than 5,000 South Sudanese fighters have been involved. This is a mere fraction of the Rapid Support Forces’ estimated 100,000-strong militia.


Read more: Sudan is burning and foreign powers are benefiting – what’s in it for the UAE


Another contributing factor to the narrative around South Sudanese involvement is the South Sudan People’s Movement/Army. This is an opposition group that operates along the Sudan-South Sudan border. It targets South Sudanese government forces, sometimes using Sudan as a base of operations.

Since the onset of the war, I have learned in the course of my work that some South Sudan People’s Movement/Army troops have aligned with the Rapid Support Forces and participated in battles across Khartoum. Others have used their time in Sudan to acquire weapons and supplies for operations in South Sudan.

However, these opposition fighters are primarily motivated by pragmatic considerations. These include access to resources and political leverage, rather than any ideological alignment with the paramilitary group’s broader goals. These goals include reshaping the power dynamics in Sudan.

The South Sudanese group’s leader Stephen Buay has formally denied any links with the Rapid Support Forces. However, he has occasionally praised the paramilitary troops’ push against the Sudanese army.

Buay is participating in peace talks in Nairobi, where he has collaborated with other South Sudanese opposition figures to form a new joint force. This underscores his focus on South Sudan rather than Sudan.

The implications

Against this background, al-Atta’s claim that South Sudanese fighters make up most of the Rapid Support Forces is best understood as part of a broader strategy to justify the army’s actions and rally nationalist sentiment.

This strategy, however, worsens ethnic and regional tensions. It scapegoats South Sudanese fighters and further entrenches divisions between the two nations.


Read more: How militia groups capture states and ruin countries: the case of Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces


This rhetoric aligns with the Sudanese army regime’s broader propaganda efforts, which frequently vilify perceived outsiders or adversaries to consolidate power and justify its actions on the battlefield.

This approach risks perpetuating the cycle of violence, mistrust and regional instability.

– Sudan war: ethnic divisions are being used to cover up army failures – peace scholar
– https://theconversation.com/sudan-war-ethnic-divisions-are-being-used-to-cover-up-army-failures-peace-scholar-248325

Education in Zimbabwe has lost its value: study asks young people how they feel about that

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Kristina Pikovskaia, Leverhulme Early Career Research Fellow, University of Edinburgh

Education, especially higher education, is a step towards adulthood and a foundation for the future.

But what happens when education loses its value as a way to climb the social ladder? What if a degree is no guarantee of getting stable work, being able to provide for one’s family, or owning a house or car?

This devaluing of higher education as a path to social mobility is a grim reality for young Zimbabweans. Over the past two decades the southern African country has been beset by economic, financial, political and social challenges.

These crises have severely undermined the premises and promises of education, especially at a tertiary level. A recent survey by independent research organisation Afrobarometer found that 90% of young Zimbabweans had secondary and post-secondary education compared to 83% of those aged between 36 and 55. But 41% of the youth were unemployed and looking for a job as opposed to 26% of the older generation.

The situation is so dire that it’s become a recurring theme in Zimdancehall, a popular music genre produced and consumed by young Zimbabweans. “Hustling” (attempts to create income-generating opportunities), informal livelihoods and young people’s collapsed dreams are recurrent topics in songs like Winky D’s Twenty Five, Junior Tatenda’s Kusvikira Rinhi and She Calaz’s Kurarama.

I study the way people experience the informal economy in Zimbabwe and Zambia. In a recent study I explored the loss of education’s value as a social mobility tool in the Zimbabwean context.

My research revealed how recent school and university graduates think about the role of education in their lives. My respondents felt let down by the fact that education no longer provided social mobility. They were disappointed that there was no longer a direct association between education and employment.

However, the graduates I interviewed were not giving up. Some were working towards new qualifications, hoping and preparing for economic improvements. They also thought deeply about how the educational system could be improved. Many young people got involved in protests. These included actions by the Coalition of Unemployed Graduates and the #ThisGown protests, which addressed graduate unemployment issues. Some also took part in #ThisFlag and #Tajamuka protests, which had wider socio-economic and political agendas.

Understanding history

To understand the current status and state of education in Zimbabwe it’s important to look to the country’s history.

Zimbabwe was colonised by the British from the late 19th century. The colonial education system was racialised. Education for white students was academic. For Black students, it was mostly practice-oriented, to create a pool of semi-skilled workers.

In the 1930s education was instrumental in the formation of Zimbabwe’s Black middle class. A small number of Black graduates entered white collar jobs, using education as a social mobility tool. The educational system also opened up somewhat for women.

Despite some university reforms during the 1950s, the system remained deeply racialised until the 1980s. That’s when the post-colonial government democratised the education system. Primary school enrolment went up by 242%, and 915% more students entered secondary school. In the 1990s nine more state universities were opened.

However, worsening economic conditions throughout the 1990s put pressure on the system. A presidential commission in 1999 noted that secondary schools were producing graduates with non-marketable skills – they were too academic and focused on examinations. Students’ experiences, including at the university level, have worsened since then.

The decline has been driven by systemic and institutional problems in primary and secondary education, like reduced government spending, teachers’ poor working conditions, political interference and brain drain. This, coupled with the collapse of the formal economic sector and a sharp drop in formal employment opportunities, severely undermined education’s social mobility function.

‘A key, but no door to open’

My recent article was based on my wider doctoral research. For this, I studied economic informalisation in Zimbabwe’s capital city, Harare. It involved more than 120 interviews during eight months of in-country research.

This particular paper builds on seven core interviews with recent school and university graduates in the informal sector, as well as former student leaders.

Winky D’s “Twenty Five” is about young Zimbabweans’ grievances.

Some noted that education had lost part of its value as it related to one’s progression in society. As one of my respondents, Ashlegh Pfunye (former secretary-general of the Zimbabwe National Students Union), described it, young people were told that education was a key to success – but there was no door to open.

Some of my respondents were working in the informal sector, as vendors and small-scale producers. Some could not use their degrees to secure jobs, while others gave up their dreams of obtaining a university degree. Lisa, for example, was very upset about giving up on her dream to pursue post-secondary education and tried to re-adjust to her current circumstances:

I used to dream that I will have my own office, now I dream that one day I’ll have my own shop.

Those who had university qualifications stressed that, despite being unable to apply their degrees in the current circumstances, they kept going to school and getting more certification. This prepared them for future opportunities in the event of what everyone hoped for: economic improvement.

Historical tensions

Some of my interviewees, especially recent university graduates and activists, were looking for possible solutions – like changing the curriculum and approach to education that trains workers rather than producers and entrepreneurs. As Makomborero Haruzivishe, former secretary-general of the Zimbabwe National Students’ Union, said: “Our educational system was created to train human robots who would follow the instructions.”

Entrepreneurship education is a popular approach in many countries to changing the structure of classic education. In the absence of employment opportunities for skilled graduates, it is supposed to provide them with the tools to create such opportunities for themselves and others.


Read more: Nigeria’s universities need to revamp their entrepreneurship courses — they’re not meeting student needs


In 2018, the government introduced what it calls the education 5.0 framework. It has a strong entrepreneurship component. It’s too soon to say whether it will bear fruit. And it may be held back by history.

For example, the introduction of the Education-with-Production model in the 1980s, which included practical subjects and vocational training, was met with resistance because it was seen as a return to the dual system.

Because of Zimbabwe’s historically racialised education system, many students and parents favour the UK-designed Cambridge curriculum and traditional academic educational programmes. Zimbabwe has the highest number of entrants into the Cambridge International exam in Africa.

Feeling let down

The link between education and employment in Zimbabwe has many tensions: modernity and survival, academic pursuits and practicality, promises and reality. It’s clear from my study that graduates feel let down because the modernist promises of education have failed them.

– Education in Zimbabwe has lost its value: study asks young people how they feel about that
– https://theconversation.com/education-in-zimbabwe-has-lost-its-value-study-asks-young-people-how-they-feel-about-that-244661

Mission 300: African leaders pledge to advance clean cooking solutions for Africa at milestone Energy Summit

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania, February 1, 2025/APO Group/ —

African countries have taken bold commitments to implement clean cooking energy solutions to offset the devastating effects of open fire cooking which kills roughly 600,000 women and children annually across the continent.

In energy compacts (apo-opa.co/40Fdx4z) signed during the Mission 300 Africa Energy Summit, held in Tanzania 27-28 January, 12 African countries signalled their intent to  accelerate the pace of access to electricity and clean cooking solutions on the world’s fastest-growing continent, in line with the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goal 7 and the African Union’s Agenda 2063 (apo-opa.co/40X7qK8).

Commending these countries, Tanzanian President Suluhu Hassan stated in closing remarks: “I understand that the 12 governments have only pioneered, and many others will join us in the future.” Earlier, at the opening speaking about the purpose of the summit she said, “This gathering is a platform to consolidate commitments, announce new partnerships and drive momentum towards the 2030 goal.”

The two-day meeting (apo-opa.co/40GUtCH) was organized by the Government of Tanzania and Mission 300, an unprecedented collaboration between the African Development Bank Group, the World Bank Group and global partners, to address Africa’s electricity access gap through the use of new technology and innovative financing.

Moderating a special panel on clean cooking on Monday, Rashid Abdallah, Executive Director of the African Energy Commission (AFREC) (apo-opa.co/40Es3JJ), noted that whilst 600 million Africans live without access to electricity, one billion -nearly double the number – were without access to clean cooking, relying on biomass fuels such as wood and charcoal, with severe economic, social and environmental impact. Conservative estimates put the cost of this across the continent to $790 billion a year, he noted.

Abdallah was joined by Dr. Richard Muyungi, Special Envoy to the President of Tanzania, Peter Scott, CEO of Burn Manufacturing (apo-opa.co/40Vxy8b), and Martin Kimani, CEO of M-Gas (apo-opa.co/3CtCZBZ), who each highlighted the significant health, environmental, and economic impacts of relying on polluting fuels for cooking, as well as the innovative approaches being developed to address this crisis.

Muyungi shared Tanzania’s experience in launching a comprehensive National Clean Cooking Strategy, emphasizing the importance of high-level political commitment, coordinated stakeholder engagement, and the integration of private sector participation. 

He praised President Hassan’s role as a global champion bringing the issue to the highest level of African governments.

“It is important to elevate it to the highest level… She is the champion of clean cooking,” he said.  He stressed: “It’s important that there is a champion who can elevate clean cooking in terms of partnerships and partner with others to address this issue. He added that Tanzania is on track to transition 80 percent of its population to clean cooking technologies by 2034, thanks to the efforts of President Hassan.

Scott, whose company Burn Manufacturing is the largest clean cooking manufacturer in Africa, discussed the diverse range of solutions being deployed across the continent, from fuel-efficient biomass stoves to cutting-edge electric cooking appliances with pay-as-you-go financing models. He stressed the availability of funding for clean cooking projects, pending the approval of carbon credit regulations by governments.

“This is the most exciting time in the history of clean cooking,” Scott declared. “Now, there’s a lot of money standing by to approve carbon credit regulations to allow carbon trading, carbon finance, to grow. “

Kimani’s pioneering pay-as-you-cook LPG model has provided an innovative and affordable solution to enable households to transition to clean cooking. He shared the success of M-Gas in onboarding half a million households in Kenya and Tanzania within just three years, demonstrating the scalability of this approach. “One of the most important considerations is affordability, how do we close that gap?” he asked.

M-Gas has found an answer by installing IOT enabled smart meters which are fixed into gas cylinders without upfront payment.

“We mirror the (pay as you go) environment they can now cook using LPG. With 35 cents they can cook three meals in a day,” he added.

Tanzania pioneers clean cooking and global awareness

Tanzania published its clean cooking strategy in 2024-2034 last year in response to its own challenges – 3,000 people dying annually and the effects of a devastating 400 hectares of deforestation annually from the use of charcoal and firewood.

Championed by President Hassan, the Clean Cooking agenda has embraced everyone and is part of the national agenda, Muyungi said. “This discussion has highlighted the innovative approaches, and the political will required to transform the lives of millions of Africans and secure a sustainable future for the continent.”

In a recognition of national efforts, awards were handed out to winners of a national clean cooking innovation challenge on the first day of the summit. The winners included creators of a biogas production plant and a click gas LPG delivery system.

The African Development Bank Group has pledged $2 billion over 10 years towards clean cooking solutions in Africa. The pledge represents an important contribution to the $4 billion per year needed to allow African families to have access to clean cooking by 2030.

“Why should anybody have to die just for trying to cook a decent meal that is taken for granted in other parts of the world,” African Development Bank President Akinwumi Adesina asked during a discussion as part of the summit. “Africa must develop with dignity, with pride. Its women, its population must have access to clean energy solutions.”

Emphasis on leadership, sustainability, youth engagement and digitalisation as International Olympic Committee (IOC) presidential candidates present plans for global sports

Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

LAUSANNE, Switzerland, January 31, 2025/APO Group/ —

The seven candidates running to become the next President of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) are hoping that with their 15-minute presentations at the Olympic House on Thursday, 30 January, they have been able to convince the IOC membership of their capabilities to lead the biggest sports organisation in the world. 

Although they were unable to read the room during the in-camera meeting, especially as their audience was barred from asking questions, the candidates appeared satisfied with their campaign pitches. 

BEHIND CLOSED DOORS There will be no other opportunities for presentations before the election scheduled for 20 March in Greece. Speaking to the media after giving their presentations behind closed doors, some of the candidates believe the current election process requires a review. 

Prince Feisal Al Hussein of Jordan, who was the first to appear before the press, said: “If I’m President, I think I would have more flexibility in the rules… We are part of a global sports community and the world has the right to know who is running and what they stand for.” 

Below are excerpts from the candidates’ interaction with the media at the Château de Vidy, the historical building next to Olympic House, where the presentations took place. 

HRH PRINCE FEISAL AL HUSSEIN  

PRESENTATION: It was an honor to deliver my speech to my fellow IOC members, where I laid out my vision for the future blueprint of the Olympic Movement centered on consensus leadership. My speech was structured around three strategic imperatives that are in my manifesto; inspiring imagination, ensuring integrity and developing inclusion. 

EXPERIENCE DEALING WITH HEADS OF STATE, AN ADVANTAGE?: Absolutely, yes. I think I’ve learned from the experience of not just learning how to deal with people, but by consensus. At the end of the day, all leaders are human beings, and the ability to find a common ground upon which you can build an understanding is a key benefit from the experience that I’ve had just being who I am. 

DEALING WITH THE IOC’S BIGGEST CHALLENGE: One of the things we have to face and we have to deal with literally focuses on the issue of integrity. When you see the global community, the youth in particular have lost their trust in global institutions, and the IOC is a global institution, so we need to regain both the trust and the sense of relevance with the youth of this world. They are our future movement. And I think this is one of the key areas I would focus on as IOC president. 

CONFIDENCE IN WADA DESPITE WITHDRAWAL OF US FUNDING: It’s not for me to comment on the policies of the United States. We (the IOC) are an institution that helped establish WADA and I think it has been doing a terrific job in dealing with the issue of doping. We’ve seen such a large reduction of doping incidents in the Olympic Games, and I think this means that they have been effective, and we will continue to support that. 

DEALING WITH BOXING AHEAD OF LA28: I would love to see boxing back on the programme. It is one of the oldest Olympic sports, and I just hope that we can find a global Federation that can take on that responsibility of organising boxing in LA. 

RUSSIA’S RETURN TO THE OLYMPIC MOVEMENT: There’s nothing I’d like more than to be able to have the whole world at the Olympic Games, I think that’s what our objective is. But I also recognise that there are certain limitations and concerns. Right now, to my understanding, the exclusion of Russian athletes is based on a violation of the Olympic Charter. As President of the IOC, my role and responsibility is to uphold the Olympic Charter. And as long as nobody is in violation, then there is no reason for sanctions. And I would very much like to find a mechanism where we can reintroduce Russia. The world is stronger when we are all together. And I think that is what the Olympic Games does.  

MR DAVID LAPPARTIENT  

PRESENTATION: I hope that I have convinced my colleagues that I can be a real leader for the IOC. 

RUSSIA’S RETURN TO THE OLYMPIC MOVEMENT: Russia shouldn’t be indefinitely suspended by the IOC. This is a country of sport, so our objective would be to have them come back into the fold. However, there are reasons why the IOC suspended the NOC of Russia… So it is obvious then that these subjects should be dealt with before decisions can be taken.  

THE OLYMPIC GAMES IN AFRICA: The IOC is on the five continents. Sport is universal, and African athletes are exceptional, but Africa has until today, never hosted the Olympic Games, they of course, are going to have the Youth Olympic Games. I suggest that the Olympics should take place in Africa, not fixing a specific date. But the idea is, nonetheless, that during this coming mandate or two mandates, we would like Africa to host the Olympic Games, because Africa deserves the Olympic Games.  

BIGGEST CHALLENGE: One of the challenges will be the instability of the world. It’s becoming more and more difficult, and sure we’ll have some crises to face in the future. This is why we need to source strong leadership. Climate change is also an issue. We also saw what happened in the winter time in Los Angeles, and it’s also the result of climate change. Another key challenge will be digitalization. The world is completely changing, disrupting. But what I also tried to explain this morning is how we can turn all these challenges into opportunities. We have opportunities to bring the world together. This is what we want. This is our vision. This is the ideal of the Olympic movement. We can also properly address the issue of climate change. This is what Paris has done. We also have the potential Olympic Esports Games, that’s also a way to interact with the younger generation. We can also reach a wider audience with digitalization.  

MR JOHAN ELIASCH 

TRACK RECORD: In a world of division and disruption, we need hope more than ever before. I’m standing because I believe that I have a proven track record and experience to deliver. I have successfully run large international corporations, led important commercial and political negotiations across business, sport, media and entertainment, foreign affairs, technology, and a lot of areas. I’ve been very active in climate action, preserving millions of acres of rainforest. In the last four years, I’ve led the transformation of the International Ski and Snowboard Federation. We oversee more than half of the medal events in the Olympic Winter Games. So I think that’s a perfect and perfect trip for the presidency. I know what it takes to lead and drive change. This is not a popularity contest. 

RUSSIA’S RETURN TO THE OLYMPIC MOVEMENT: The individual, neutral athletes programme works very well. And I think it’s very important, because no athlete can choose where they were born. And the athletes must never be weaponized for political purposes. So I believe in this programme, and that we should make sure that also for Milano-Cortina, this is something that all the winter federations will adopt. 

WHAT NEEDS TO CHANGE: Of course, we have to put the athletes front and centre. And we need to make sure that they have the best experience before, during, and after the Games. We have a very fast-changing landscape when it comes to digital, and we have to stay ahead of the curve here. We have a responsibility and a very strong voice when it comes to sustainability and this is an area which is very close to my heart, so this will certainly be at the forefront of my agenda. We also need to make sure that we uphold the magic of the Olympic Games. There is a lot of competition from other events and other sports and we need to make sure that we’re the best. 

ENGAGING SPONSORS: Well, sponsorship is much more than just sticking your name to something. It’s about partnership. And this area is also changing very fast. Activations, people expect more here. We need to make sure that we deliver, that these partnerships are value-added for our sponsors. We have an incredible brand. But in today’s day and age, we also have to make sure that these partnerships are as attractive as possible. 

BALANCING FUTURE OLYMPICS IN AFRICA, INDIA OR THE MIDDLE EAST WITH SUSTAINABILITY COMMITMENTS: Here, for instance, the proposed rotation scheme of the Winter Olympics is very important. We have infrastructure in place to deliver the events. We need to make sure that we find solutions with the IFs to make sure that the capacity of investment is kept up. So we don’t have to retrace what already exists in places where it’s not going to go. Now, with the Middle East, with Africa, with India, it is essential that we are very strong and committed to no carbon impact on anything that we do. 

MR JUAN ANTONIO SAMARANCH  

THE IOC: I understand our organization as two different parts. On one hand, we are an extraordinarily big, large and efficient NGO – we distribute most of the money we generate in our business through the International Federation, National Olympic Committees and the organizing committees to the base of the world’s sports pyramid. So this is an NGO. Second, we need a powerful business machine to generate the necessary revenues to feed the NGO. So I have thrown my hat in the ring because I have significant experience on both sides. I’ve more than 25 years of experience in critical roles throughout the Olympic movement, and I’ve more than 25 years of experience in critical roles with my own company in the finance industry. 

EMPOWERING IOC MEMBERS We must empower the members and ensure governance led by members and not by a selected few. 

CHANGES In the 12 years of President Bach, we had to deal with so many complications and so many threats and managed to get the organization to move and evolve at a rapid pace. But that rapid pace of change that we implemented is no way near what is coming. I think we have a very important base, a very solid base, from the past, but the recipes of yesterday will not make it in the future. 

LEGACY OF HIS FATHER, HELP OR HINDRANCE: My father left office 25 years ago and, as his son, I appreciate his legacy very much. His example is always with me, but the recipes of today have nothing to do with a presidency that ended years ago. Bear in mind, he joined the Olympic Movement more than 60 years ago. 

PRESENTATION: I felt very good in the room, because I have something interesting to say, something I am passionate about. And I was so happy to have the opportunity to share that with my fellow members. So, it’s for them to decide. But my presentation is clear. I have a very clear programme. My manifesto is very much action-based and it leaves very little room for future surprises. 

BIDDING PROCESS FOR OLYMPIC GAMES HOSTS: I think that we need to produce not a more traditional, but a better, new model that is more aligned to the current times, that would include a final decision in a significant participation of all IOC members. 

MEDIA: I told my fellow IOC members this, ‘let’s refocus our relationship with the media. They are not our enemies. They are our allies.’ You (the media) shape the opinion of the world on the Olympic Games. This I intend, if I become IOC President, to maintain and you can hold me accountable for that if I am there. 

MRS KIRSTY COVENTRY 

THE OLYMPIC DREAM: My journey started as a nine-year-old girl watching the 92 Barcelona Olympic Games and just setting myself a dream and then finally realizing that dream in Athens getting to stand on the podium and win my first Olympic medal. In Athens, I won three medals and finally in my last event got to win the gold even though Zimbabwe was in a difficult situation. But when I got home to Zimbabwe, it was a time of three or four days of peace, so I really got to see the power of sport. 

TODAY’S NINE-YEAR-OLD: The nine-year-olds in today’s world are not watching a television screen, they’re holding a phone and that phone is going to be their starting point to connect with us through online streaming platforms, and it’s going to be our chance to engage with them and ensure that we’re inspiring them, and to take it even further, we’re going to be developing and promoting applications that are going to allow them to train anywhere and everywhere in the world. And this is the world that we live in today, and let’s embrace it and walk that road together. 

SUPPORTING AFRICAN ATHLETES: We need to find more ways of directly impacting and getting revenue to athletes before they become Olympians. That is generally the toughest thing most athletes find. From my own journey it was easy to get sponsorship once I’d won a medal. But getting to that medal was tough. 

BACKING FROM BACH?: I have known President Bach since I came into the IOC, and I think being a fellow athlete, we share a lot of commonalities, a lot of common ideas and philosophies. But in this race, he’s the President. He has a vote, but he doesn’t vote, he chooses not to vote, and I do very firmly believe that he is being very fair to all candidates.  

BEING A MOTHER OF A SIX-MONTH OLD AND A CAREER WOMAN: First and foremost, I want to be the best candidate to win, not just because of my gender or from where I come from. And I believe I’ve got a lot of expertise to bring to this role, to leading the organisation. 

IT TAKES A VILLAGE TO RAISE A CHILD: When I was stepping into my ministerial role seven years ago, I was pregnant with my first baby girl and had to quickly learn how to navigate and be a woman with a career as well as a mom and a wife and everything else. And it can be done. I’m very lucky to come from Africa because culturally we know and we firmly believe that it takes a village to raise a child. 

PROTECTING WOMEN ATHLETES: As a female athlete, you want to be able to walk onto a level playing field always. It’s our job as the IOC to ensure that we are going to create that environment, and that we are going to not just create a level playing field, but we’re going to create an environment that allows for every athlete to feel safe. Along the road. We’re going to learn lessons, and we’re going to get stronger and we’re going to make better rules and regulations.  

LORD SEBASTIAN COE 

PRESENTATION: I enjoyed this morning’s process. I hope I was able to communicate my love for the movement. It’s something that I genuinely feel I’ve been training for for the best part of my life, or at least since the age of 11, when my father bought me my first pair of running shoes. I hope I was able to convey that, but I’m also hoping that I was able to convey the core pillars of my manifesto, my commitments and my pledges. 

SUSTAINING IOC REVENUE: The world has changed and we do have to change with it – I’ve been in the sports marketing world for 30 years. Primarily we do need to adopt an audience first approach, which is in essence, to give them what they want, when they want it, and where they want it. Above all, for National Olympic Committees of all shapes and sizes, of some of the smaller International Federations, to enjoy that with a barrier-free physical and digital experience. 

BIGGEST CHALLENGE FOR THE IOC: The biggest challenge faced by the International Olympic Committee is no different, and it is not unique from any National Olympic Committee, any sporting organization, any club, private or public. It is how do you continue to excite and engage with young people, and how do you utilize, optimize fully the use of cutting edge technology? And we talk a lot about technology, we actually run the risk of sounding a little bit analog, because I don’t think there’s anyone in this room that hasn’t recognized that the organizations they work in, they deliver services in, have gone through that digital transformation. But I do think that engaging, exciting and challenging tomorrow’s generation is going to be critical, because it’s that cohort that is ultimately going to be your future sponsors, your future thought leaders, your future governments, your future politicians. And we need to create amongst that group of people a lifelong bond for sport. So even if they don’t remain in sport as coaches, administrators, communicators, we at least have the opportunity for them to assume leadership roles wherever they are, and really fundamentally understand the nature of sport, and it is only that way that we will raise sport to the top of government agendas. Engaging with young people is the key to unlocking so many of the other interdependencies. 

ELECTION RULES: I’ve been in politics for a long time. I’ve found it a fairly unproductive process to pick a fight with the returning officer in the process. The rules are the same for everybody. I do think we need to review them, and I’m sure that whoever succeeds in March will want to look at that amongst other things too. 

MR MORINARI WATANABE 

OLYMPIC GAMES IN FIVE CONTINENTS: I propose to stage the Olympic Games in five cities on five continents at the same time. It would allow the IOC to offer the best possible conditions for each sport, to reduce the financial burden on host cities, to offer greater potential for broadcast and commercial opportunities, sustainability with reduction of travel, and alleviate other hosting problems like governmental restrictions and war.  

POTENTIAL OF SPORT: Paris 2024 was a historic success, thanks to all the athletes, thanks to the leadership of President Thomas Bach and thanks to the excellent work of the Paris Organizing Committee. However, I believe that we should not be satisfied and that we must build on the success of these Games. Because, in contrast to the spectacular Olympic Games, the situation of the NOCs is far from strong. As FIG President, I have visited 162 countries. I have seen with my own eyes the situation of our sport in each country. As a result I saw the reality. Economically, these countries are not wealthy. In many countries, their relations with the government are not good. The presence of sport in each country is not high enough. I used to be a gymnast myself. That’s why I believe sport has even greater potential. To unleash that potential I propose that the Games be held on all five continents at the same time. 

WORLD SPORTS ORGANISATION: I also envision upgrading the IOC into a World Sports Organization, like the World Health Organization. If the IOC continues and expands its activities, it would remain independent of politics and uphold the barriers of democracy, transparency, and gender equality. As a World Sports Organization we must contribute to society. We must make a new business for sports. My vision is not focused on only the Olympic Games. We must see a wider view for sports. Sports can contribute to society. I believe the 21st century industrial revolution will be driven by sports and healthcare. So, which organization is best placed to lead this transformation globally? It is the IOC. 

BICAMERALISM: I am proposing a two-chamber system; a House and a Senate because many IOC members have very good ideas, even non-IOC members. We must take these ideas and listen to these opinions to develop sports. We have to be open. There are many professionals, athletes, royalty, politicians, lawyers, bankers, and many others. If we work together, we can do anything. Let’s open the door to a new era. 

South Africa’s debt has skyrocketed – new rules are needed to manage it

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Robert Botha, Research Fellow at the Impumelelo Economic Growth Lab. The Impumelelo Economic Growth Lab is a unit of the Bureau for Economic Research (BER), Stellenbosch University

South Africa’s fiscal trajectory paints a concerning picture. Public expenditure exceeds revenue. As a result sovereign debt is building up and interest on this debt is increasing.

This raises concerns over the South African government’s financial sustainability. The debt-to-GDP ratio has skyrocketed from 23.6% in 2008/09 to a projected 74.7% in 2024/25. The International Monetary Fund has recommended that, over the long term, South Africa should reduce its debt-to-GDP ratio to 60% of GDP, in line with that of peers.

Arguably more important than the debt level is how quickly debt has accumulated. Debt servicing costs, which consist of the interest on government debt and other costs directly associated with borrowing, have been the fastest-growing line item in the national budget. Rising interest payments have been crowding out critical expenditures on services such as health, education and infrastructure.

As I argue in a recently published report titled “A fiscal anchor for South Africa: Avoiding the mistakes of the past”, establishing a credible fiscal anchor (or fiscal rule) could be step towards avoiding a debt spiral and regaining fiscal sustainability and credibility.

Fiscal rules are constraints on fiscal policy, designed to impose numerical limits. For example, a limit on the allowable debt-to-GDP ratio, or the allowable balance after accounting for government expenditure and revenue. Fiscal rules are widely used – 105 countries have adopted them so far.

Failing to address the country’s fiscal challenges risks plunging South Africa into a debt trap. This happens when a country finds it difficult to escape a cycle of debt and has to borrow more to pay off old debt. If debt-servicing costs continue to rise, essential public services will come under even greater strain.

Several emerging markets have experienced the severe consequences of unchecked debt accumulation and debt servicing costs. Argentina is one example. Without a credible plan to stabilise and reduce debt and debt servicing costs, the risk of economic stagnation and financial instability grows quickly.

Fiscal erosion and credibility concerns

The roots of South Africa’s current predicament lie in years of mistakes. These include:

  • spending beyond its means

  • questionable political decisions like bailing out state-owned entities

  • poor governance and oversight at municipal and local government level, which led to inefficient public spending.

These factors were underpinned by an underperforming economy, unrealised forecasts and arguably weak institutional checks.

For the last 15 years South Africa’s National Treasury has undertaken to stabilise the country’s debt-to-GDP ratio. This would have required keeping the ratio constant. But these commitments have consistently been deferred. Debt stabilisation targets have been revised upwards 13 times, from 40% in 2015/16 to the current 75.5%. The stabilisation year has been pushed back 10 times, from the initial year of 2015/16 to the current target of 2025/26. This has created a perception of inconsistent policy.

Over-optimistic macroeconomic forecasting has undermined credibility. Over the last ten years, GDP growth projections have routinely overshot actual performance by an average of 0.5 percentage points in the first year of forecasts and even more in subsequent years. In defence of the National Treasury, the South African economy has performed worse than more forecasters expected in recent years.

Adding to the fiscal strain are rising social expenditures, the public sector wage bill and repeated bailouts of state-owned enterprises. This spending relieves short-term political and social pressures, but undermines the country’s long-term fiscal health.

Without credible mechanisms to constrain spending, South Africa’s fiscal framework lacks the discipline needed to ensure sustainability, and to restore credibility.

Why fiscal rules matter

Fiscal rules are there to promote discipline, ensure that debt can be paid and enhance credibility. The experience in the 105 countries that have adopted them suggests that strong, well-designed rules can signal a government’s commitment to fiscal prudence.

It’s difficult to establish whether there is a causal relationship between fiscal rules and fiscal performance. But there’s at least a correlation. As a practical example of enforcing fiscal rules, in November 2023, the German constitutional court overruled a budget that was passed in the Bundestag but breached Germany’s fiscal rules.

However, fiscal rules are not a panacea. Poorly designed or inadequately enforced rules can make the problems worse. For South Africa, this risk is acute.

Political commitment and strong institutional frameworks are needed too. Also, a shift in how fiscal policy is conceived and implemented.

Designing new rules

Drawing lessons from global best practices, South Africa’s fiscal rules must be enforceable, flexible and simple. A well-designed rule should:

  • stabilise and eventually reduce the debt-to-GDP ratio

  • target government spending as a share of GDP, emphasising consumption spending like salaries and goods and services, rather than capital expenditure

  • have political buy-in

  • be overseen independently

  • be legally binding and enforceable.

Context

South Africa’s low economic growth rate is a complication. Average interest rates on government debt are higher than the nominal GDP growth rate. But reining in spending too much could stifle growth, creating a vicious cycle.

That’s why stabilising debt first would make more sense than aiming to reduce debt too rapidly.

South Africa’s fiscal rules must also have some flexibility. For instance, they could allow for shocks such as natural disasters or global economic crises.

Fiscal rules could follow a phased approach to initially focus on stabilising debt, and then to move towards reducing debt. Both of these phases would entail expenditure rules to guide annual budget processes and to place limits on spending.

The benefits

Credible fiscal rules could have a number of benefits.

Firstly, they could improve South Africa’s credibility by signalling to markets and international institutions that South Africa is committed to fiscal discipline.

Secondly, fiscal credibility is associated with reduced sovereign risk premiums, which translates into lower debt-servicing costs. In turn this would free up resources for critical development priorities.

Third, they can foster a more stable economic environment for investment and growth.

Fourth, they would help coordinate policies. South Africa enjoys rule-based monetary policy in the form of inflation targeting but lacks the same for fiscal policy. This can lead to sub-optimal outcomes. For example, the central bank can keep interest rates too high, not necessarily because it thinks the treasury’s policies are inflationary, but because it cannot predict the treasury’s actions.

The way forward

Adopting fiscal rules in South Africa comes with risks. Weak institutional capacity, especially in oversight bodies like the Parliamentary Budget Office, could undermine rule enforcement.

To shield against these risks, South Africa should have stronger institutions. It could create an independent statutory fiscal council, possibly falling under Parliament, the National Treasury or as an independent constitutional advisory body.

Oversight bodies would also need to build their capacity.

– South Africa’s debt has skyrocketed – new rules are needed to manage it
– https://theconversation.com/south-africas-debt-has-skyrocketed-new-rules-are-needed-to-manage-it-248355